Does Mode of Digital Contact Tracing Aect User Willingness to Share Information? CHI ’22, April 29-May 5, 2022, New Orleans, LA, USA
2.2 Barriers and Facilitators of Digital Contact
Tracing
Various barriers and facilitators to digital contact tracing have been
identied. A discrete choice experiment prospective study in the
Netherlands suggested less modiable individual factors specic
to COVID-19 [
20
]. In this study, the factors that correlated with
predicted adoption rates were educational attainment, underlying
health conditions, and a perceived threat from COVID-19.
More promising, modiable facilitators can be gleaned with a
broader literature review that includes other diseases. Megnin et al.
[
34
] conducted a rapid review of qualitative studies on the factors
inuencing user uptake and engagement with any contact tracing
system across various infectious diseases. They identied four modi-
able factors that arise from the users’ perception of the application.
They are a perceived sense of collective responsibility, perceived per-
sonal benet, the presence of community co-production of contact
tracing systems, and the perceived capability of reaching contact
persons eciently and eectively. The authors also identied pri-
vacy concerns as a key barrier. These concerns were: mistrust with
the requester, unmet needs for information and support, fear of
stigmatization (due to an identied infection), and what they called
“mode-specic challenges”. These mode-specic challenges were
not communication channel issues per se. They were more akin to
accessibility issues (e.g., no smartphone) or usability issues (e.g.,
diculty downloading, using the application, or lack of technical
prociency).
These studies suggest two broader research areas that can be
brought to bear upon our knowledge about facilitators and barriers
of digital contact tracing. The rst area covers the perception of
trust in public bodies running the digital contact tracing operations.
The second area covers studies on multiple alternative channels of
user participation and data collection modes.
2.3 Issues of Trust and Data Collection
One commonly cited factor that predicts the adoption of contact
tracing is the trust in the entity conducting digital contact tracing
(i.e., institutional trust). Mayer’s body of work on institutional trust
denes it as the following: ‘the willingness of a party to be vul-
nerable to the actions of another party’ [
31
]. In a pandemic, the
willingness of users to be vulnerable must be particularly directed
towards public health ocials, who are providing practical guide-
lines and general awareness of the disease outbreak. Instead, trust
is often referred to as being vulnerable to government bodies and
private rms handling the sensitive information required in digital
contact tracing.
To overcome the mountain of skepticism towards utilizing con-
tact tracing apps, several public health organizations and researchers
[
11
,
21
,
25
,
67
] have proposed that these systems be transparent
and open to public scrutiny. Scientists and researchers across the
globe have also recommended that a privacy-by-design approach
be adopted whereby only necessary data is collected and stored
using secure encryption techniques to preserve the security and pri-
vacy of the data [
25
]. Additionally, the World Health Organization
(WHO) and American Civil Liberties Union (ACLU) collectively
agree with the CDC’s suggestion to make contact tracing voluntary,
with full user control over data management [11, 15, 67].
In response to these recommendations, Google and Apple pushed
for anonymous contact tracing [
16
]. The exposure notication
framework frequently exchanges anonymous identier beacons
through Bluetooth between and among smartphones whose users
are in close proximity; either by installing an ocial app from
their region’s government or directly through a verication proto-
col from public health authorities. NOVID [
40
], ICheckedIn [
59
]
and SaferMe [
53
] are similar eorts that followed in pursuit of
anonymity with an encrypted framework. For example, users’ names
and numbers are hashed in a "pin," maintaining relative obscurity
in businesses and places of visit [
59
]. While this information is
set to expire in limited duration (e.g., discarded after 30 days), per-
sonal information remains accessible to relevant government bodies
or pre-approved systems. As might be expected, these eorts did
not alleviate the tension associated with the lack of condence in
government and private companies [1, 10, 66, 67].
In a study specic to the U.S., only 37% of respondents found it
acceptable to share data with state and local ocials, compared to
75% of the sample who preferred sharing data with infectious dis-
eases researchers [
32
]. Yet, the National Academy for State Health
Policy found that contact tracing eorts are either led by state or
county (e.g., eight states, including California, are county-led) [
38
].
The suggestion to empower user autonomy in digital contact
tracing places the onus on the users to be suciently convinced
that the benets of digital contact tracing outweigh the concerns.
In a qualitative study on privacy concerns of a tool for online data
collection, Phelan et al. [
47
] drew on dual process theories to de-
scribe two kinds of user concern about privacy: intuitive concern
(when following a gut feeling) and considered concern (when weigh-
ing pros and cons). In considered concern, users regularly recognize
the benets of accepting a privacy intrusion, particularly when
there is trust in the requester or low assessed risk. However, in-
tuitive concern can override the more cognitive path of considered
concern. This can happen, for example, when the social presence
of the requester provides privacy assurance. Additionally, a study
on user responses to surveillance suggests that when these types
of concerns are not addressed, individuals may adopt protective
coping strategies [
54
]. These avoidance mechanisms would make
it harder to involve them in contact tracing eorts.
Overall the literature on trust indicates issues of trust seem to
be centered on perceptions of intrusiveness of the tool. Although
research in anonymous contact tracing actively pushes for compu-
tational and technological protocols that strive to guarantee user
anonymity and tool credibility, it remains unclear how willing users
are to share critical information that must fundamentally be dis-
closed to public health authorities upon identifying themselves
as infected. Thus, it led us to query if the users’ perception of
the data collection modality may also aect this intuitive concern.
Such knowledge could help pave the way to reducing resistance to
privacy intrusions of digital contact tracing for public health.
2.4 Issues of Technology Access
Much research on developing the functions of digital contact trac-
ing is centered on the types of sensing modalities available on a
smartphone device. Specically, investigations have looked at Blue-
tooth and Global Positioning System (GPS) as two standard sensing