The Secret Team - By Fletcher Prouty

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THE SECRET TEAM

The CIA

and Its Allies

in Control of the United

States and the World

L. FLETCHER PROUTY

Col., U.S. Air Force (Ret.)

March 1997:

This 1997 edition of the book is

available in its entirety on Len Osanic's

rip-roaring 1997 CD-ROM, The

Collected Works of Col. L. Fletcher Prouty along with ~600MB of 70+

articles, 100 images, 30 topics and 6 hours of audio material. Read all

about it and how to order your own copy by going to:

http://www.prouty.org/

Here on ratical we will be hooking up the rest of the book in HTML and

ASCII formats over the next 7 months. Each month will see the following

chapters come online:

May: Chapters 3-6

June: Chapters 7-10

July: Chapters 11-15

August: Chapters 16-19

September: Chapters 20-23

October: Appendices I-III

The online copy of this book was made possible by the efforts and

generosity of Len Osanic. We thank him for his support. Be sure to check

out the details on the complete CD if you are interested in this book. There

is a great deal to recommend it for anyone who wants to study the

writings, interviews and perceptions of Colonel Prouty. The significance

of Prouty's level and depth of first-hand experience of World War II and

direct participation in the ensuing birth and rise of the National Security

State is provided in great detail on The Collected Works CD.

CONTENTS

ACKNOWLEDGMENTS

Author's Note

Preface

Preface to the Second Edition

Preface: "THE SECRET TEAM II" 1997

PART I THE SECRET TEAM

Chapter 1 The "Secret Team" -- the Real Power Structure

Chapter 2 The Nature of Secret Team Activity: A Cuban Case Study

PART II THE CIA: HOW IT RUNS

Chapter 3 An Overview of the CIA

Section I. Intelligence versus Secret Operations

Section II. Origins of the Agency and

the Seeds of Secret Operations

Section III. A Simple Coup d'État to a Global Mechanism

Chapter 4 From the Word of the Law to the Interpretation:

President Kennedy Attempts to Put the CIA Under Control

Chapter 5 "Defense" as a National Military Philosophy,

the Natural Prey of the Intelligence Community

Chapter 6 "It Shall Be the Duty of the Agency: To Advise, to Coordinate,

to Correlate and Evaluate and Disseminate

and to Perform Services of Common Concern . . ."

Coordination of Intelligence -- the

Major Assigned Role of the CIA

Correlation, Evaluation and Dissemination of

Intelligence: Heart of the Profession

Services of Common Concern: An Attempt at Efficiency

Chapter 7 From the Pines of Maine to the Birches of Russia:

The Nature of Clandestine Operations

Chapter 8 CIA: "The Cover Story" Intelligence Agency

and the Real-Life Clandestine Operator

Chapter 9 The Coincidence of Crises

Chapter 10 The Dulles-Jackson-Correa Report in Action

PART III THE CIA: HOW IT IS ORGANIZED

Chapter 11 The Dulles Era Begins

Chapter 12 Personnel: The Chameleon Game

Chapter 13 Communications: The Web of the World

Chapter 14 Transportation: Anywhere in the World -- Now

Chapter 15 Logistics by Miracle

PART IV THE CIA: SOME EXAMPLES

THROUGHOUT THE WORLD

Chapter 16 Cold War: The Pyrrhic Gambit

Chapter 17 Mission Astray, Soviet Gamesmanship

Chapter 18 Defense, Containment, and Anti-Communism

Chapter 19 The New Doctrine: Special Forces and

the Penetration of the Mutual Security Program

Chapter 20 Khrushchev's Challenge: The U-2 Dilemma

Chapter 21 A Time of Covert Action: U-2 to Kennedy Inaugural

Chapter 22 Camelot: From the Bay of Pigs to Dallas, Texas

Chapter 23 Five Presidents: "Nightmares We Inherited"

APPENDICES:

I. Definition of Special Operations

II. Powers and Duties of the CIA

III. Training Under the Mutual Security Program

BIBLIOGRAPHY

INDEX

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ACKNOWLEDGMENTS

. . . to Len Osanic and all at Bandit Productions for bringing all my work

back to life.

. . . to Patrick Fourmy, Dave Ratcliffe and Tom Davis, old friends who

have insisted I revise and re-write this old "classic".

. . . to Bill Mullan, Charlie Czapar, Bill Peters, and Dave Fleming, who

worked with me in the Pentagon during the fifties, for those fascinating

years with "Team B" in Headquarters, U.S. Air Force.

. . . to Charles Peters of The Washington Monthly for publishing the first

"Secret Team" article, and Derek Shearer for breathing the whole concept

into life.

. . . to General Graves B. (the big "E") Erskine and General Victor H.

("Brute") Krulak, both of the U. S. Marine Corps, my immediate "bosses"

and good friends, in the Office of the Secretary of Defense and in the

Office of the Joint Chiefs of Staff, for close personal relationships that

shaped the course of these events.

. . . and to the hundreds of men with whom I shared these experiences and

who must remain nameless and silent because that is the "code" of their

chosen profession.

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PREFACE 1972

From President to Ambassador, Cabinet Officer to Commanding

General, and from Senator to executive assistant-all these men have their

sources of information and guidance. Most of this information and

guidance is the result of carefully laid schemes and ploys of pressure

groups.In this influential coterie one of the most interesting and effective

roles is that played by the behind the scenes, faceless, nameless,

ubiquitous briefing officer.

He is the man who sees the President, the Secretary, the Chairman

of the Joint Chiefs of Staff almost daily, and who carries with him the

most skillfully detailed information. He is trained by years of experience

in the precise way to present that information to assure its effectiveness.

He comes away day after day knowing more and more about the man he

has been briefing and about what it is that the truly influential pressure

groups at the center of power and authority are really trying to tell these

key decision makers. In Washington, where such decisions shape and

shake the world, the role of the regular briefing officer is critical.

Leaders of government and of the great power centers regularly leak

information of all kinds to columnists, television and radio commentators,

and to other media masters with the hope that the material will surface and

thus influence the President, the Secretary, the Congress, and the public.

Those other inside pressure groups with their own briefing officers have

direct access to the top men; they do not have to rely upon the media,

although they make great use of it. They are safe and assured in the

knowledge that they can get to the decision maker directly. They need no

middleman other than the briefing officer. Such departments as Defense,

State, and the CIA use this technique most effectively.

For nine consecutive, long years during those crucial days from

1955 through January 1, 1964, I was one of those briefing officers. I had

the unique assignment of being the "Focal Point" officer for contacts

between the CIA and the Department of Defense on matters pertaining to

the military support of the Special Operations[1] of that Agency. In that

capacity I worked with Allen Dulles and John Foster Dulles, several

Secretaries of Defense, and Chairmen of the Joint Chiefs of Staff, as well

as many others in key governmental places. My work took me to more

than sixty countries and to CIA offices and covert activities all over the

worl

--from such hot s

ots as Sai

on and to such remote

laces as the

South Pole. Yes, there have been secret operations in Antarctica.

It was my job not only to brief these men, but to brief them from the

point of view of the CIA so that I might win approval of the projects

presented and of the accompanying requests for support from the military

in terms of money, manpower, facilities, and materials. I was, during this

time, perhaps the best informed "Focal Point" officer among the few who

operated in this very special area. The role of the briefing officer is quiet,

effective, and most influential; and, in the CIA, specialized in the high art

of top level indoctrination.

It cannot be expected that a John Kennedy, Lyndon Johnson, a

Richard Nixon, or a following President will have experienced and learned

all the things that may arise to confront him during his busy official life in

the White House. It cannot be expected that a Robert McNamara or a

Melvin Laird, a Dean Rusk or a William Rogers, etc. comes fully

equipped to high office, aware of all matters pertaining to what they will

encounter in their relationship with the Congo or Cuba, Vietnam or

Pakistan, and China or Russia and the emerging new nations. These men

learn about these places and the many things that face them from day to

day from an endless and unceasing procession of briefing officers.

Henry Kissinger was a briefing officer. General John Vogt was one

of the best. Desmond Fitzgerald, Tracy Barnes, Ed Lansdale, and "Brute"

Krulak, in their own specialties, were top-flight briefing officers on

subjects that until the publication of the "Pentagon Papers," few people

had ever seen in print or had ever even contemplated.

(You can imagine my surprise when I read the June 13, 1971, issue

of the Sunday New York Times and saw there among the "Pentagon

Papers" a number of basic information papers that had been in my own

files in the Joint Chiefs of Staff area of the Pentagon. Most of the papers

of that period had been source documents from which I had prepared

dozens -- even hundreds -- of briefings, for all kinds of projects, to be

given to top Pentagon officers. Not only had many of those papers been in

my files, but I had either written many of them myself or had written

certain of the source documents used by the men who did.)

The briefing officer, with the staff officer, writes the basic papers.

He researches the papers. He has been selected because he has the

required knowledge and experience. He has been to the countries and to

the places involved. He may know the principals in the case well. He is

supposed to be the best man available for that special job. In my own case,

I had been on many special assignments dating back to the Cairo and

Teheran conferences of late 1943 that first brought together the "Big Four"

of the Allied nations of WW II: Franklin D. Roosevelt, Winston Churchill,

Chiang Kai-shek and Joseph Stalin.

The briefing officer reads all of the messages, regardless of

classification. He talks to a number of other highly qualified men. He may

even have staff s

ecialists s

read out all over the world u

on whom he

may call at any time for information. Working in support of the "Focal

Point" office, which I headed, there were hundreds of experts and agents

concealed in military commands throughout the world who were part of a

network I had been directed to establish in 1955-1956 as a stipulation of

National Security Council directive 5412, March 1954.

In government official writing, the man who really writes the paper-

-or more properly, the men whose original work and words are put

together to become the final paper--are rarely, if ever, the men whose

names appear on that paper. A paper attributed to Maxwell Taylor, Robert

McNamara or Dean Rusk, of the Kennedy era, would not, in almost all

instances, have been written by them; but more than likely would have

been assembled from information gathered from the Departments of

Defense and State and from CIA sources and put into final language by

such a man as General Victor H. Krulak, who was among the best of that

breed of official writers.

From l955 through 1963, if some official wanted a briefing on a

highly classified subject involving the CIA, I would be one of those called

upon to prepare the material and to make the briefing. At the same time, if

the CIA wanted support from the Air Force for some covert operation, I

was the officer who had been officially designated to provide this special

operational support to the CIA.

If I was contacted by the CIA to provide support for an operation

which I believed the Secretary of Defense had not been previously

informed of, I would see to it that he got the necessary briefing from the

CIA or from my office and that any other Chief of Staff who might be

involved would get a similar briefing. In this unusual business I found

rather frequently that the CIA would be well on its way into some

operation that would later require military support before the Secretary

and the Chiefs had been informed.

During preparations for one of the most important of these

operations, covered in some detail in this book, I recall briefing the

chairman of the Joint Chief's of Staff, General Lyman L. Lemnitzer, on the

subject of the largest clandestine special operation that the CIA had ever

mounted up to that time: and then hearing him say to the other Chiefs, "I

just can't believe it. I never knew that."

Here was the nation's highest ranking military officer, the man who

would be held responsible for the operation should it fail or become

compromised, and he had not been told enough about it to know just how

it was being handled. Such is the nature of the game as played by the

"Secret Team."

I have written for several magazines on this subject, among them the

Armed Forces Journal, The New Republic, the Empire Magazine of the

Denver Sunday Post, and The Washington Monthly. It was for this latter

publication that I wrote "The Secret Team", an article that appeared in the

1970 issue and that led to the develo

ment of this book.

With the publication of the "Pentagon Papers" on June 13,1971,

interest in this subject area was heightened and served to underscore my

conviction that the scope of that article must be broadened into a book.

Within days of The New York Times publication of those "Pentagon

Papers," certain editorial personnel with the BBC-TV program, "Twenty-

Four Hours", recalling my "Secret Team" article, invited me to appear on a

series on TV with, among others, Daniel Ellsberg. They felt that my

experience with the Secret Team would provide material for an excellent

companion piece to the newly released "Pentagon Papers," which were to

be the primary topic of the discussions. I flew to London and made a

number of programs for BBC-TV and Radio. Legal problems and the

possible consequences of his departure from the country at that time

precluded the simultaneous appearance of Daniel Ellsberg. The programs

got wide reception and served to underscore how important the subject of

the "Pentagon Papers" is throughout the world.

I have not chosen to reveal and to expose "unreleased" classified

documents; but I do believe that those that have been revealed, both in the

"Pentagon Papers" and elsewhere, need to be interpreted and fully

explained. I am interested in setting forth and explaining what "secrecy"

and the "cult of containment" really mean and what they have done to our

way of life and to our country. Furthermore, I want to correct any

disinformation that may have been given by those who have tried to write

on these subjects in other related histories.

I have lived this type of work; I know what happened and how it

happened. I have known countless men who participated in one way or

another in these unusual events of Twentieth Century history. Many of

these men have been and still are members of the Secret Team. It also

explains why much of it has been pure propaganda and close to

nationwide "brainwashing" of the American public. I intend to interpret

and clarify these events by analyzing information already in the public

domain. There is plenty.

Few concepts during this half century have been as important, as

controversial, as misunderstood, and as misinterpreted as secrecy in

Government. No idea during this period has had a greater impact upon

Americans and upon the American way of life than that of the containment

of Communism. Both are inseparably intertwined and have nurtured each

other in a blind Pavlovian way. Understanding their relationship is a

matter of fundamental importance.

Much has been written on these subjects and on their vast

supporting infrastructure, generally known as the "intelligence

community." Some of this historical writing has suffered from a serious

lack of inside knowledge and experience. Most of this writing has been

done by men who know something about the subject, by men who have

researched and learned something about the subject, and in a few cases by

men who had some experience with the subject. Rarely is there enough

factual ex

erience on the

art of the writer. On the other hand, the

Government and other special interests have paid writers huge amounts to

write about this subject as they want it done, not truthfully. Thus our

history is seriously warped and biased by such work.

Many people have been so concerned about what has been

happening to our Government that they have dedicated themselves to

investigating and exposing its evils. Unfortunately, a number of these

writers have been dupes of those cleverer than they or with sinister reasons

for concealing knowledge. They have written what they thought was the

truth, only to find out (if they ever did find out) that they had been fed a

lot of contrived cover stories and just plain hogwash. In this book I have

taken extracts from some of this writing and, line by line, have shown how

it has been manipulated to give a semblance of truth while at the same

time being contrived and false.

Nevertheless, there have been some excellent books in this broad

area. But many of these books suffer from various effects of the dread

disease of secrecy and from its equally severe corollary illness called

"cover" (the CIA's official euphemism for not telling the truth).

The man who has not lived in the secrecy and intelligence

environment--really lived in it and fully experienced it--cannot write

accurately about it. There is no substitute for the day to day living of a life

in which he tells his best friends and acquaintances, his family and his

everyday contacts one story while he lives another. The man who must

depend upon research and investigation inevitably falls victim to the many

pitfalls of the secret world and of the "cover story" world with its lies and

counter-lies.

A good example of this is the work of Les Gelb and his Pentagon

associates on the official version of the purloined "Pentagon Papers." That

very title is the biggest cover story (no pun intended) of them all; so very

few of those papers were really of Pentagon origin. The fact that I had

many of them in my office of Special Operations in Joint Staff area, and

that most of them had been in the files of the office of the Assistant

Secretary of Defense for International Security Affairs did not validate the

locale of their origin. They were "working copies" and not originals.

Notice how few were signed by true military officers.

It is significant to note that the historical record that has been called

the "Pentagon Papers" was actually a formal government-funded "study of

the history of United States involvement in Vietnam from World War II to

the present" i.e. 1945 to 1968. On June 17, 1967 the Secretary of Defense,

Robert S. McNamara directed that work. A task force consisting of "six

times six professionals" under the direction of Leslie H. Gelb produced

"37 studies and 15 collections of documents in 43 volumes" that were

presented on January 15, 1969 to the then-Secretary of Defense, Clark M.

Clifford by Mr. Gelb with the words from Herman Melville's Moby Dick:

"This is a world of chance, free will, and necessity-all

interweavin

workin

ether as one: chance b

turn rules either and

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