
blinking in full color as the triggered molecules of its inks collected photons by driblets and released them in bursts. He
waved the brilliant pages at me and asked: "What do you think of this, Mitch?"
"Sleazy advertising," I said promptly. "If we had to stoop so low as to sponsor a magazine like Taunton Associates—well, I
think I'd resign. It's too cheap a trick."
"Um." He put the magazine face down; the flashing inks gave one last burst and subsided as their light source was cut off.
"Yes, it's cheap," he said thoughtfully. "But you have to give them credit for enterprise. Taunton gets sixteen and a half
million readers for
his
ads every week. Nobody else's—-just Taunton clients. And I hope
you didn't mean that literally about resigning. I just gave Harvey the go-ahead on Shock. The first issue comes out in the
fall, with a print order of twenty million. No—" He mercifully held up his hand to cut off my stammering try at an
explanation. "I understood what you meant, Mitch. You were against cheap advertising. And so am I. Taunton is to me
the epitome of everything that keeps advertising from finding its rightful place with the clergy, medicine, and the bar in our
way of life. There isn't a shoddy trick he wouldn't pull, from bribing a judge to stealing an employee. And, Mitch, he's a
man you'll have to watch."
"Why? I mean, why particularly?"
Schocken chuckled. "Because we stole Venus from him, that's why. I told you he was enterprising. He had the same
idea I did. It wasn't easy to persuade the government that it should be our baby."
"I see," I said. And I did. Our representative government now is perhaps more representative than it has ever been before
in history. It is not necessarily representative per capita, but it most surely is ad valorem. If you like philosophical problems,
here is one for you: should each human being's vote register alike, as the lawbooks pretend and as some say the founders
of our nation desired? Or should a vote be weighed according to the wisdom, the power, and the influence—that is, the
money—of the voter? That is a philosophical problem for you, you understand; not for me. I am a prag-matist, and a
pragmatist, moreover, on the payroll of Fowler Schocken.
One thing was bothering me. "Won't Taunton be likely to take— well, direct action?"
"Oh, he'll try to steal it back," Fowler said mildly.
"That's not what I mean. You remember what happened with Antarctic Exploitation."
"I was there. A hundred and forty casualties on our side. God knows what they lost."
"And that was only one continent. Taunton takes these things pretty personally. If he started a feud for a lousy frozen
continent, what will he do for a whole planet?"
Fowler said patiently, "No, Mitch. He wouldn't dare. Feuds are expensive. Besides, we're not giving him grounds—not
grounds that would stand up in court. And, in the third place . . . we'd whip his tail off."
"I guess so," I said, and felt reassured. Believe me, I am a loyal
employee of Fowler Schocken Associates. Ever since cadet days I have tried to live my life "for Company and for
Sales." But industrial feuds, even in our profession, can be pretty messy. It was only a few decades ago that a small but
effective agency in London filed a feud against the English branch of B.B.D. & O. and wiped it out to the man except for two
Bartons and a single underage Osborn. And they say there are still bloodstains on the steps of the General Post Office where
United Parcel and American Express fought it out for the mail contract.
Schocken was speaking again. "There's one thing you'll have to watch out for: the lunatic fringe. This is the kind of
project that's bound to bring them out. Every crackpot organization on the list, from the Consies to the G.O.P., is going to
come out for or against it. Make sure they're all for; they swing weight."
"Even the Consies?" I squeaked.
"Well, no. I didn't mean that; they'd be more of a liability." His white hair glinted as he nodded thoughtfully. "Mm.
Maybe you could spread the word that spaceflight and Conservationism are diametrically opposed. It uses up too many
raw materials, hurts the living standard—you know. Bring in the fact that the fuel uses organic material that the Consies
think should be made into fertilizer—"
I like to watch an expert at work. Fowler Schocken laid down a whole subcampaign for me right there; all I had to do was
fill in the details. The Conservationists were fair game, those wild-eyed zealots who pretended modern civilization was in
some way "plundering" our planet. Preposterous stuff. Science is
always
a step ahead of the failure of natural resources. After
all, when real meat got scarce, we had soyaburgers ready. When oil ran low, technology developed the pedicab.
I had been exposed to Consie sentiment in my time, and the arguments had all come down to one thing: Nature's way
of living was the
right
way of living. Silly. If "Nature" had intended us to eat fresh vegetables, it wouldn't have given us
niacin or ascorbic acid.
I sat still for twenty minutes more of Fowler Schocken's inspirational talk, and came away with the discovery I had often
made before; briefly and effectively, he had given me every fact and instruction I needed.
The details he left to me, but I knew my job:
We wanted Venus colonized by Americans. To accomplish this,
three things were needed: colonists; a way of getting them to Venus; and something for them to do when they got there.