the case of demographic changes due to migration. Globally, most migrants live in cities
(World Economic Forum [WEF], 2017). In Europe, migrants1 settle in cities at a
disproportionately high rate compared to the native-born population. In 2014, more than
85.2 % of immigrants born outside the EU, 78.8% of migrants born within the EU, but
only 69 % of native born people were living in urban areas, (cities or towns) (Eurostat,
2017). The percentage of second generation migrants born in non-EU countries living in
urban areas is even higher, and amounts to 90 % (Eurostat, 2017).
As cities become highly diverse, this development opens up new questions, topics
and challenges. In this paper, we focus on the aspect of cities as starting points of many
initiatives of civic engagement, a process referred to as ‘active citizenship’ (Bee, 2017).
The people involved are ‘active citizens’, or – to illustrate the tendency of dissent towards
the reigning social order – as ‘activist citizens’ (Isin, 2008; Newman, 2011). We will
henceforth call this active engagement in urban areas, as a reference to the term of ‘urban
citizenship’ (Schilliger, 2018) an ‘active urban citizenship’. Both active and activist
citizens are engaged in promoting more inclusion of undocumented migrants in cities (see
the debate on solidarity cities or sanctuary cities, Wenke & Kron, 2019). Regardless of
the specific cause, the active participation of citizens enriches socio-political debates and
these are inherent to the democratic process (Biesta et al., 2014).
Another aspect of democracy is the inclusion of as many residents as possible in
relevant processes, a significant challenge in times of growing mobility. Formal
opportunities for democratic participation are greatly limited for non-citizens in most of
the 56 countries that the Migrant Integration Policy Index (MIPEX2) measures
worldwide, including the Member States of the EU and the OECD (Solano & Huddleston,
2020b). Nevertheless, many migrants use informal modes of participation. In the practice
of active citizenship, gender plays an important role and the aspects of gender, age,
racialization and sexualization must be considered in analysing acts of citizenship
(Newman & Tonkens, 2011b).
In the field of civic engagement and active citizenship, informal learning processes
are widely researched (Foley, 1999; Duguid et al., 2013), in the last decade the specific
processes of civic learning have been brought to the fore (for example Trumann, 2013;
Caris & Cowell, 2016; Fleischmann & Steinhilpfer, 2017; Sprung & Kukovetz, 2018).
Despite this, the literature provides little insight into the conditions surrounding the
promotion of active citizenship and civic learning through engagement.
Thus, in this paper we aim to analyse civic learning processes that take place during
the practice and pedagogical promotion of active citizenship, especially for women living
in diverse settings. We will start by outlining our theoretical framework. From the wide
range of approaches to active citizenship, we focused on concepts that we believe to be
applicable to the living conditions of marginalized groups, especially of migrants, and
which stem from a critical theoretical framework (such as feminist theories). After some
general points on active citizenship, we will focus on the concept of lived citizenship
(Lister et al., 2007). This feminist approach also draws attention to forms of engagement
that are rooted in people’s everyday actions, often in the domestic sphere or in local (e.g.
ethnic) communities. Due to our focus on marginalized individuals who often do not even
have citizenship rights, engagement mostly takes place beyond the ‘traditional’ spaces of
active citizenship and is therefore at risk of being overlooked. In order to include the
structural conditions for political participation and the spatial dimension of active
citizenship, considerations of urban citizenship will be discussed in the theoretical part of
the paper. This perspective will also be important in understanding our empirical case
study. A dynamic understanding of citizenship rather than a constant and static one, will
form the basis of our analysis. In addition, we will focus on civic learning processes