RELA_2025_1_Nohl_Directive_adult_education

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Nohl, Arnd-Michael
Directive adult education by political actors. Orientation expectations towards
adults in Germany
European journal for Research on the Education and Learning of Adults 16 (2025) 1, S. 59-74
Quellenangabe/ Reference:
Nohl, Arnd-Michael: Directive adult education by political actors. Orientation expectations towards adults
in Germany - In: European journal for Research on the Education and Learning of Adults 16 (2025) 1, S.
59-74 - URN: urn:nbn:de:0111-pedocs-327367 - DOI: 10.25656/01:32736; 10.3384/rela.2000-7426.4794
https://nbn-resolving.org/urn:nbn:de:0111-pedocs-327367
https://doi.org/10.25656/01:32736
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Kontakt / Contact:
peDOCS
DIPF | Leibniz-Institut für Bildungsforschung und Bildungsinformation
Informationszentrum (IZ) Bildung
E-Mail: pedocs@dipf.de
Internet: www.pedocs.de
Helmut Schmidt University, Germany (nohl@hsu-hh.de)
This paper presents for discussion two empirically grounded theses. First, political actors
educate adults, and second, in doing so, they use directive forms of education; that is,
they expect adult members of society to adopt certain orientations. Following a
theoretical discussion on the directive education concept and its relevance to public
pedagogy, the methodology (discourse analysis and documentary method) is explained.
Then, three approaches to directive adult education demonstrated by political actors are
empirically analysed: (1) directive political education is employed by political party
leaders when, in the face of a potential U-turn of their party, they try to change the core
political convictions of party supporters; (2) newcomers to society are directively
educated to adopt democratic role orientations; and (3) in social fields in which practices
are standardised by laws but cannot sufficiently be controlled, directive education for the
common good can be observed. These types of directive education used by political actors
are discussed vis-à-vis the concepts of paternalism and pedagogization.
directive adult education, democracy, discourse analysis, paternalism,
pedagogization
The notion that adult education centres around facilitating self-directed learning processes
of (supposedly) autonomous adults has faced criticism from various strands of adult
education research. Drawing from a Foucauldian perspective, several analyses revealed
the power-driven subconscious processes of subject formation that occur within adult
education, often unnoticed by both the participants and the educators themselves (see, for
instance, Fejes & Nicoll, 2008). Conversely, other scholars argue that, if necessary, it is
the responsibility of adult educators to guide adults beyond their own intentions,
particularly when these adults are still acquiring the capacity to think like an adult
(Mezirow, 2000). With reference to critical adult education, which urges adults to
question their previous (problematic) views, Brookfield (2009, p. 218) alludes to the
inevitably directive nature of education. The paternalism inherent in such processes of
adult education is considered legitimate as long as educators act in the best interests of
their participants (Fuhr, 2013, p. 31).
This article aligns with the criticism that adult education should not be reduced to
facilitating self-directed learning processes of (supposedly) autonomous adults. However,
the focus of the article differs in two key respects from this criticism. Firstly, it examines
processes wherein adults, over a sustained period and reinforced by (threatened)
sanctions, are communicatively and overtly expected to adopt specific orientations put
forward by others, devoid of taking any individual interests in learning into account.
Secondly, such kind of a directive adult education is not carried out by adult educators
but, as particular focus of this article, by political actors who do not seem to grant adult
members of the society the autonomy to decide how they wish to orient themselves but,
rather, seek to prescribe these orientations.
A notable instance of such a directive adult education by political leaders can be
found in the speech delivered by Germanys then chancellor, Angela Merkel, in the
Bundestag (the federal parliament of Germany) in the autumn of 2020, which coincided
with the onset of the second wave of the SARS-CoV-2 (COVID-19) pandemic. In her
address, Merkel spoke not only to parliamentarians but to all citizens:
I appeal to all of you: adhere to the rules that must also apply in the coming period. Let us,
as citizens of this society, collectively take greater care of each other. Lets remind one
another that maintaining our distance, wearing nose-mouth protection, regularly washing
our hands, ventilating rooms, and using the Corona warning app, safeguards not only the
elderly and not only the so-called at-risk individuals but our open, free society as a whole.
(as cited in Deutscher Bundestag, 2020, p. 22527; translated by the author).
In the Bundestag, laws and regulations typically become the centre of contentious debate
among Parliament members. The chancellors appeal to the entire spectrum of society to
comply with these regulations was extraordinary but deemed necessary from her
standpoint. After all, as Merkel emphasised, all rules, regulations, and measures are of
little or no use if they are not accepted and adhered to by the people.
With these final words, she articulated a problem that is encountered not only during
existential crises, such as a pandemic, but constantly: all states, particularly democratic
ones, rely on the responsive conduct of their population, yet, lack the capacity to entirely
enforce such conduct through legislation. When political actors in democracies find that
instilling a certain willingness to act has become necessary, they may resort to
communicatively expecting adult citizens to adopt certain orientations. While political
actors usually seek, through persuasive communication or even demagogy, to generate
support for specific political decisions (for example, for the governments pandemic
legislation), in processes of directive adult education, they prefer to strongly suggest a
way of acting that people should incorporate into their routine lives as habit (such as
wearing a mask). Although these political actors may not perceive their actions to
constitute the educating of adults, they rely on an eminently pedagogical practice to
communicate their messages.
The empirical findings presented in this article illustrate the way the state and other
political actors communicatively expect adult members of the society to adopt certain
orientations and, thus, the way those actors seek to educate adults in a directive way.
Through these findings, two neglected aspects of adult education are put into the
limelight: 1) political leaders may participate in educating adult members of society, and
2) they may do so by expectantly guiding adults towards specific orientations, but without
taking necessarily their individual needs into account. The first aspect has been only
briefly touched upon in discussions on public pedagogies; the latter is often
counterintuitive, as only children and adolescents are generally assumed to be educated
in a directive manner. By contrast, adults are commonly perceived to acquire orientations
on their own, given their presumedly developed level of self-responsibility and maturity.
To elaborate on these two claims, I first explain my understanding of directive
education. I then discuss the concept of public pedagogy, which aids in analysing
directive educational processes for adults that unfold tacitly and are not part of a formal
education system. After introducing the methodological background of my research, I
delve into three forms of directive education employed by political actors that I
empirically analysed.1 Firstly, directive political education becomes relevant when, in the
course of a potential U-turn by a political party, its leaders attempt to change the core
political convictions of party supporters. The second form of directive education I
investigate is directive democracy education, which does not revolve around specific
political world views but, instead, concerns attitudes towards democracy itself. For
example, individuals perceived as newcomers to society, such as adolescents and adult
immigrants, undergo educational means of directive democracy education. The third form
of directive education employed by political actors that I examine is directive education
for the common good. Certain areas in society are regulated by laws that are, however,
unable to sufficiently control peoples behaviour. In cases related to, for example, waste
separation, unemployment or the fight against pandemics, forms of directive education
for the common good can be observed.
Although the empirical examples I use to substantiate my theses are drawn from the
German context, they are in my view relevant to adult education in other democracies as
well. This applies especially to the two theoretical aspects through which I discuss my
empirical findings: Directive adult education implies an asymmetrical relationship
between political actors and the populace, which can be problematised as paternalism.
Simultaneously, whether the (usually tacit) employment of pedagogical means by
political actors results in an illegitimate pedagogization of political problems, should be
considered as well.
On a conceptual level and within the framework of an ideal-typical procedure, the concept
of directive education gets clearer by juxtaposing it with non-directive education: in
German, by comparing Erziehung to Bildung. Non-directive education necessarily
includes autonomous opinion formation (Kloubert, 2018, p. 140) for which, for
example, methods for evaluating the truth and falsehood, or relative probability, of
various claims about the world are taught, and adult learners are exposed to divergent
life projects and world views together with their respective critique (Brighouse, 1998, p.
736). An important feature of non-directive education is the space given to controversies:
that is, the space allowed for discourse on divergent world views pertaining to the topic
under discussion. This multiperspectivity (Sander, 2004, p. 9) can sometimes even help
people to question their own meaning perspectives and in the sense of a transformation
process open new perspectives (Mezirow, 1978). Even without leading to
transformation, non-directive education has similarities with Bildung (Kloubert, 2018).
Implied here is the role of the adult educator as a non-directive facilitator working to
realise learners agendas (Brookfield, 2004, p. 380). This can be contrasted with the
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Nohl,Arnd-MichaelDirectiveadulteducationbypoliticalactors.OrientationexpectationstowardsadultsinGermanyEuropeanjournalforResearchontheEducationandLearningofAdults16(2025)1,S.59-74Quellenangabe/Reference:Nohl,Arnd-Michael:Directiveadulteducationbypoliticalactors.Orientationexpectationstowardsadultsin...

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