particularly when these adults are still acquiring the capacity to ‘think like an adult’
(Mezirow, 2000). With reference to critical adult education, which urges adults to
question their previous (problematic) views, Brookfield (2009, p. 218) alludes to ‘the
inevitably directive nature of education.’ The paternalism inherent in such processes of
adult education is considered legitimate as long as educators act in the best interests of
their participants (Fuhr, 2013, p. 31).
This article aligns with the criticism that adult education should not be reduced to
facilitating self-directed learning processes of (supposedly) autonomous adults. However,
the focus of the article differs in two key respects from this criticism. Firstly, it examines
processes wherein adults, over a sustained period and reinforced by (threatened)
sanctions, are communicatively and overtly expected to adopt specific orientations put
forward by others, devoid of taking any individual interests in learning into account.
Secondly, such kind of a directive adult education is not carried out by adult educators
but, as particular focus of this article, by political actors who do not seem to grant adult
members of the society the autonomy to decide how they wish to orient themselves but,
rather, seek to prescribe these orientations.
A notable instance of such a directive adult education by political leaders can be
found in the speech delivered by Germany’s then chancellor, Angela Merkel, in the
Bundestag (the federal parliament of Germany) in the autumn of 2020, which coincided
with the onset of the second wave of the SARS-CoV-2 (COVID-19) pandemic. In her
address, Merkel spoke not only to parliamentarians but to all citizens:
I appeal to all of you: adhere to the rules that must also apply in the coming period. Let us,
as citizens of this society, collectively take greater care of each other. Let’s remind one
another that maintaining our distance, wearing nose-mouth protection, regularly washing
our hands, ventilating rooms, and using the Corona warning app, safeguards not only the
elderly and not only the so-called at-risk individuals but our open, free society as a whole.
(as cited in Deutscher Bundestag, 2020, p. 22527; translated by the author).
In the Bundestag, laws and regulations typically become the centre of contentious debate
among Parliament members. The chancellor’s appeal to the entire spectrum of society to
comply with these regulations was extraordinary but deemed necessary from her
standpoint. ‘After all’, as Merkel emphasised, ‘all rules, regulations, and measures are of
little or no use if they are not accepted and adhered to by the people’.
With these final words, she articulated a problem that is encountered not only during
existential crises, such as a pandemic, but constantly: all states, particularly democratic
ones, rely on the responsive conduct of their population, yet, lack the capacity to entirely
enforce such conduct through legislation. When political actors in democracies find that
instilling a certain willingness to act has become necessary, they may resort to
communicatively expecting adult citizens to adopt certain orientations. While political
actors usually seek, through persuasive communication or even demagogy, to generate
support for specific political decisions (for example, for the government’s pandemic
legislation), in processes of directive adult education, they prefer to strongly suggest a
way of acting that people should incorporate into their routine lives as habit (such as
wearing a mask). Although these political actors may not perceive their actions to
constitute the educating of adults, they rely on an eminently pedagogical practice to
communicate their messages.
The empirical findings presented in this article illustrate the way the state and other
political actors communicatively expect adult members of the society to adopt certain
orientations and, thus, the way those actors seek to educate adults in a directive way.
Through these findings, two neglected aspects of adult education are put into the