August Niemann - Coming Conquest of England

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The Coming Conquest of

England

August Niemann

Translated by J. H. Freese

http://www.blackmask.com

AUTHOR'S PREFACE TRANSLATOR'S NOTE I. THE COUNCIL OF STATE II. THE

OFFICERS' MESS III. A RUSSIAN COMRADE IV. THE CIRCASSIAN BEAUTY V. THE

CAPTAIN'S WIFE VI. THE OUTRAGE VII. THE MAHARAJAH VIII. THE PAMIRS IX. THE

GERMAN EMPEROR X. FIVE LAKHS OF RUPEES XI. THE MOBILISATION XII. THE CAMP

OF LAHORE XIII. THE BATTLE XIV. IN THE PANIC-STRICKEN CITY XV. THE

COURT-MARTIAL XVI. THE PROFESSOR XVII. DOWNING STREET XVIII. THE YOUNG

RUSSIAN CAPTAIN OF DRAGOONS XIX. ON THE ROAD TO SIMLA XX. A FRIEND IN

NEED XXI. EDITH'S ADVENTURES XXII. THE ETHICS OF ESPIONAGE XXIII.

HOMEWARD BOUND XXIV. THE ADVENTURES OF THE CALEDONIA XXV. A

SUSPICIOUS FISHING-SMACK XXVI. CAMILLE PENUROT XXVII. EBERHARD

AMELUNGEN XXVIII. THE FATE OF A SPY XXIX. A WOMAN'S TREACHERY XXX.

EDITH'S LAST JOURNEY XXXI. THE STOLEN DOCUMENT XXXII. NEWS OF AN OLD

FRIEND XXXIII. THE LANDING IN SCOTLAND XXXIV. THE BATTLE OF FLUSHING

XXXV. AT HAMPTON COURT

This etext was prepared by Donald Lainson, charlie@idirect.com.

AUTHOR'S PREFACE

I recall to mind a British colonel, who said to me in Calcutta: "This is the third time that I have been sent

to India. Twenty- five years ago, as lieutenant, and then the Russians were some fifteen hundred miles

from the Indian frontier; then, six years since, as captain, and the Russians were then only five hundred

miles away. A year ago I came here as lieutenant-colonel, and the Russians are right up to the passes

leading to India."

The map of the world unfolds itself before me. All seas are ploughed by the keels of English vessels, all

coasts dotted with the coaling stations and fortresses of the British world-power. In England is vested the

dominion of the globe, and England will retain it; she cannot permit the Russian monster to drink life and

mobility from the sea.

"Without England's permission no shot can be fired on the ocean," once said William Pitt, England's

greatest statesman. For many, many years England has increased her lead, owing to dissensions among

the continental Powers. Almost all wars have, for centuries past, been waged in the interests of England,

and almost all have been incited by England. Only when Bismarck's genius presided over Germany did

the German Michael become conscious of his own strength, and wage his own wars.

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Are things to come to this pass, that Germany is to crave of England's bounty--her air and light, and her

very daily bread? or does their ancient vigour no longer animate Michael's arms?

Shall the three Powers who, after Japan's victory over China, joined hands in the treaty of Shimonoseki,

in order to thwart England's aims, shall they--Germany, France, and Russia--still fold their hands, or shall

they not rather mutually join them in a common cause?

In my mind's eye I see the armies and the fleets of Germany, France, and Russia moving together against

the common enemy, who with his polypus arms enfolds the globe. The iron onslaught of the three allied

Powers will free the whole of Europe from England's tight embrace. The great war lies in the lap of the

future.

The story that I shall portray in the following pages is not a chapter of the world's past history; it is the

picture as it clearly developed itself to my mind's eye, on the publication of the first despatch of the

Viceroy Alexieff to the Tsar of Russia. And, simultaneously like a flash of lightning, the telegram which the

Emperor William sent to the Boers after Jameson's Raid crosses my memory--that telegram which

aroused in the heart of the German nation such an abiding echo. I gaze into the picture, and am mindful of

the duties and aims of our German nation. My dreams, the dreams of a German, show me the war that is

to be, and the victory of the three great allied nations. Germany, France, and Russia--and a new division

of the possessions of the earth as the final aim and object of this gigantic universal war.

THE AUTHOR.

TRANSLATOR'S NOTE

This volume is the authorised translation of Der Weltkrieg deutsche Traume (F. W. Vobach and Co.,

Leipsic). The translator offers no comment on the day-dream which he reproduces in the English

language for English readers. The meaning and the moral should be obvious and valuable.

LONDON, September, 1904.

I. THE COUNCIL OF STATE

It was a brilliant assemblage of high dignitaries and military officers that had gathered in the Imperial

Winter Palace at St. Petersburg. Of the influential personages, who, by reason of their official position or

their personal relations to the ruling house, were summoned to advise and determine the destiny of the

Tsar's Empire, scarcely one was absent. But it was no festal occasion that had called them here; for all

faces wore an expression of deep seriousness, amounting in certain cases to one of grave anxiety. The

conversation, carried on in undertones, was of matters of the gravest import.

The broad folding-doors facing the lifesize portrait of the reigning Tsar were thrown wide open, and

amid the breathless silence of all assembled, the grey-headed President of the Imperial Council, Grand

Duke Michael, entered the hall. Two other members of the Imperial house, the Grand Dukes Vladimir

Alexandrovitch and Alexis Alexandrovitch, brothers of the late Tsar, accompanied him.

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The princes graciously acknowledged the deep obeisances of all present. At a sign from the Grand Duke

Michael, the whole company took their places at the long conference table, covered with green cloth,

which stood in the centre of the pillared hall. Deep, respectful silence still continued, until, at a sign from

the President, State Secretary Witte, the chief of the ministerial council, turned to the Grand Dukes and

began thus:--

"Your Imperial Highnesses and Gentlemen! Your Imperial Highness has summoned us to an urgent

meeting, and has commissioned me to lay before you the reasons for, and the purpose of, our

deliberations. We are all aware that His Majesty the Emperor, our gracious Lord and Master, has

declared the preservation of the peace of the world to be the highest aim of his policy. The Christian idea

that mankind should be 'ONE fold under ONE shepherd' has, in the person of our illustrious ruler, found

its first and principal representative here on earth. The league of universal peace is solely due to His

Majesty, and if we are called upon to present to our gracious Lord and Master our humble proposals for

combating the danger which immediately menaces our country, all our deliberations should be inspired by

that spirit which animates the Christian law of brotherly love."

Grand Duke Michael raised his hand in interruption. "Alexander Nicolaievitch," he said, turning to the

Secretary, "do not omit to write down this last sentence WORD FOR WORD."

The Secretary of State made a short pause, only to continue with a somewhat louder voice and in a

more emphatic tone--

"No especial assurance is required that, in view of this, our noble liege lord's exalted frame of mind, a

breach of the world's peace could not possibly come from our side. But our national honour is a sacred

possession, which we can never permit others to assail, and the attack which Japan has made upon us in

the Far East forced us to defend it sword in hand. There is not a single right-minded man in the whole

world who could level a reproach at us for this war, which has been forced upon us. But in our present

danger a law of self-preservation impels us to inquire whether Japan is, after all, the only and the real

enemy against whom we have to defend ourselves; and there are substantial reasons for believing that this

question should be answered in the negative. His Majesty's Government is convinced that we are

indebted for this attack on the part of Japan solely to the constant enmity of England, who never ceases

her secret machinations against us. It has been England's eternal policy to damage us for her own

aggrandisement. All our endeavours to promote the welfare of this Empire and make the peoples happy

have ever met with resistance on the part of England. From the China Seas, throughout all Asia to the

Baltic, England has ever thrown obstacles in our way, in order to deprive us of the fruits of our civilising

policy. No one of us doubts for a moment that Japan is, in reality, doing England's work. Moreover, in

every part of the globe where our interests are at stake, we encounter either the open or covert hostility

of England. The complications in the Balkans and in Turkey, which England has incited and fostered by

the most despicable methods, have simply the one object in view--to bring us into mortal conflict with

Austria and Germany. Yet nowhere are Great Britain's real aims clearer seen than in Central Asia. With

indescribable toil and with untold sacrifice of treasure and blood our rulers have entered the barren tracts

of country lying between the Black Sea and the Caspian, once inhabited by semibarbarous tribes, and,

further east again, the lands stretching away to the Chinese frontier and the Himalayas, and have rendered

them accessible to Russian civilisation. But we have never taken a step, either east or south, without

meeting with English opposition or English intrigues. To-day our frontiers march with the frontier of British

East India, and impinge upon the frontier of Persia and Afghanistan. We have opened up friendly

relations with both these states, entertain close commercial intercourse with their peoples, support their

industrial undertakings, and shun no sacrifice to make them amenable to the blessings of civilisation. Yet,

step by step, England endeavours to hamper our activity. British gold and British intrigues have

succeeded in making Afghanistan adopt a hostile attitude towards us. We must at last ask ourselves this

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question: How long do we intend to look on quietly at these undertakings? Russia must push her way

down to the sea. Millions of strong arms till the soil of our country. We have at our own command

inexhaustible treasures of corn, wood, and all products of agriculture; yet we are unable to reach the

markets of the world with even an insignificant fraction of these fruits of the earth that Providence has

bestowed, because we are hemmed in, and hampered on every side, so long as our way to the sea is

blocked. Our mid-Asiatic possessions are suffocated from want of sea air. England knows this but too

well, and therefore she devotes all her energies towards cutting us off from the sea. With an insolence, for

which there is no justification, she declares the Persian Gulf to be her own domain, and would like to

claim the whole of the Indian Ocean, as she already claims India itself, as her own exclusive property.

This aggression must at last be met with a firm 'Hands off,' unless our dear country is to run the risk of

suffering incalculable damage. It is not we who seek war; war is being forced upon us. As to the means

at our disposal for waging it, supposing England will not spontaneously agree to our just demands, His

Excellency the Minister of War will be best able to give us particulars."

He bowed once more to the Grand Dukes and resumed his seat. The tall, stately figure of the War

Minister, Kuropatkin, next rose, at a sign from the President, and said--

"For twenty years I served in Central Asia and I am able to judge, from my own experience, of our

position on the south frontier. In case of a war with England, Afghanistan is the battle-ground of primary

importance. Three strategic passes lead from Afghanistan into India: the Khyber Pass, the Bolan Pass,

and the Kuram Valley. When, in 1878, the English marched into Afghanistan they proceeded in three

columns from Peshawar, Kohat, and Quetta to Cabul, Ghazni, and Kandahar respectively. These three

roads have also been laid down as our lines of march. Public opinion considers them the only possible

routes. It would carry me too far into detail were I to propound in this place my views as to the 'pros and

cons' of this accepted view. In short, we SHALL find our way into India. Hahibullah Khan would join us

with his army, 60,000 strong, as soon as we enter his territory. Of course, he is an ally of doubtful

integrity, for he would probably quite as readily join the English, were they to anticipate us and make their

appearance in his country with a sufficiently imposing force. But nothing prevents our being first. Our

railway goes as far as Merv, seventy-five miles from Herat, and from this central station to the Afghan

frontier. With our trans-Caspian railway we can bring the Caucasian army corps and the troops of

Turkestan to the Afghan frontier. I would undertake, within four weeks of the outbreak of war, to mass a

sufficient field army in Afghanistan round Herat. Our first army can then be followed by a ceaseless

stream of regiments and batteries. The reserves of the Russian army are inexhaustible, and we could

place, if needs be, four million soldiers and more than half a million of horses in the field. However, I am

more than doubtful whether England would meet us in Afghanistan. The English generals would not, in

any case, be well advised to leave India. Were they defeated in Afghanistan only small fragments of their

army at most would escape back to India. The Afghans would show no mercy to a fleeing English army

and would destroy it, as has happened on a previous occasion. If, on the other hand, which God forbid!

the fortune of war should turn against us, we should always find a line of retreat to Turkestan open and

be able to renew the attack at pleasure. If the English army is defeated, then India is lost to Great Britain;

for the English are, in India, in the enemy's country; as a defeated people they will find no support in the

Indian people. They would be attacked on all sides by the Indian native chieftains, whose independence

they have so brutally destroyed, at the very moment that their power is broken. We, on the other hand,

should be received with open arms, as rescuers of the Indian people from their intolerable yoke. The

Anglo-Indian army looks on paper much more formidable than it really is; its strength is put at 200,000

men, yet only one-third of this number are English soldiers, the rest being composed of natives. This

army, moreover, consists of four divisions, which are scattered over the whole great territory of India. A

field army, for employment on the frontier or across it, cannot possibly consist of more than 60,000 men;

for, considering the untrustworthiness of the population, the land cannot be denuded of its garrisons. As a

result of what I have said, I record my conviction that the war will have to be waged in India itself, and

that God will give us the victory."

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The words of the General, spoken in an energetic and confident tone, made a deep impression upon his

hearers; only respect for the presence of the Grand Dukes prevented applause. The greyhaired President

gave the Minister of War his hand, and invited the Minister for Foreign Affairs to address them.

"In my opinion," said the diplomatist, "there is no doubt that the strategical opinions just delivered by His

Excellency the Minister for War are based upon an expert's sound and correct estimate of the

circumstances, and I also am certain that the troops of His Majesty the Tsar, accustomed as they are to

victory, will, in the event of war, soon be standing upon the plain of the Indus. It is also my firm

conviction that Russia would be best advised to take the offensive as soon as ever the impossibility of our

present relations to England has been demonstrated. But whoever goes to war with England must not

look to one battleground alone. On the contrary, we must be prepared for attacks of the most varied

kinds, for an attack upon our finances, to begin with, and upon our credit, as to which His Excellency

Witte could give better information than I could. The Bank of England, and the great banking firms allied

with it, would at once open this financial campaign. Moreover, a ship sailing under the Russian flag would

hardly dare show itself on the open seas, and our international trade would, until our enemy had been

crushed, be absolutely at a standstill. Moreover, more vital for us than considerations of this sort would

be the question: What of the attitude of the other great Powers? England's political art has, since the days

of Oliver Cromwell, displayed itself chiefly in adroitly making use of the continental Powers. It is no

exaggeration to say that England's wars have been chiefly waged with continental armies. This is not said

in depreciation of England's military powers. Wherever the English fleet and English armies have been

seen on the field of battle, the energy, endurance, and intrepidity of their officers, sailors, and soldiers

have ever been brilliantly noticeable. The traditions of the English troops who, under the Black Prince and

Henry V., marched in days of yore victorious through France, were again green in the wars in the

eighteenth century against France and against Napoleon. Yet infinitely greater than her own military

record has been England's success in persuading foreign countries to fight for her, and in leading the

troops of Austria, France, Germany, and Russia against each other on the Continent. For the last two

hundred years very few wars have ever been waged without England's co-operation, and without her

reaping the advantage. These few exceptions were the wars of Bismarck, waged for the advantage and

for the glory of his own country, by which he earned the hatred of every good Englishman. While the

continent of Europe was racked by internal wars, which English diplomacy had incited, Great Britain

acquired her vast colonial possessions. England has implicated us too in wars which redounded to her

sole advantage. I need only refer to the bloody, exhausting war of 1877-8, and to the disastrous peace of

San Stefano, where England's intrigues deprived us of the price of our victory over the Crescent. I refer,

further, to the Crimean War, in which a small English and a large French army defeated us to the profit

and advantage of England. That England, and England alone, is again behind this attack upon us by Japan

has been dwelt upon by those who have already addressed you. Our enemies do not see themselves

called upon to depart in the slightest degree from a policy that has so long stood them in such good stead,

and it must, therefore, be our policy to assure ourselves of the alliance, or at least, where an alliance is

unattainable, of the benevolent neutrality of the other continental Powers in view of a war with England.

To begin with, as regards our ally, the French Republic, a satisfactory solution of our task in this direction

is already assured by the existing treaties. Yet these treaties do not bind the French Government to afford

us military support in the case of a war which, in the eyes of shortsighted observers, might perhaps be

regarded as one which we had ourselves provoked. We have accordingly opened negotiations through

our Ambassador with M. Delcasse, the French Minister for Foreign Affairs, and with the President of the

Republic himself. I have the supreme satisfaction of being in a position to lay before you the result of

these negotiations in the form of a despatch just received from our Ambassador in Paris. It runs, in the

main, as follows: 'I hasten to inform Your Excellency that, in the name of the French Republic, M.

Delcasse has given me the solemn assurance that France will declare war upon England at the moment

His Majesty the Tsar has directed his armies to march upon India. The considerations which have

prompted the French Government to take this step have been further explained to me by M. Delcasse in

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our conference of this day, when he expressed himself somewhat as follows: "Napoleon, a hundred years

ago, perceived with rare discernment that England was the real enemy of all continental nations, and that

the European continent could not pursue any other policy but to combine in resisting that great pirate. The

magnificent plan of Napoleon was the alliance of France with Spain, Italy, Austria, Germany, and Russia,

in order to combat the rapacity of England. And he would, in all probability, have carried his scheme

through had it not been that considerations of domestic policy determined the Tsar Alexander I., in spite

of his admiration for Napoleon's ability, to run counter to the latter's intentions. The consequences of

Napoleon's defeat have shown themselves sufficiently clearly during the past hundred years in the

enormous growth of the English power. The present political constellation, which in many respects is very

similar to that of the year 1804, should be utilised to revive Napoleon's plan once more. Russia has, of

course, the first and most vital interest in the downfall of England, for, so long as Great Britain controls all

the seas and all the important coastlines, it is like a giant whose hands and feet are fettered. Yet France is

also checked in her natural development. Her flourishing colonies in America and the Atlantic Ocean

were wrested from her in the eighteenth century. She was ousted by this overpowering adversary from

her settlements in the East Indies and-- what the French nation feels perhaps most acutely--Egypt,

purchased for France by the great Napoleon with the blood of his soldiers, was weaned away by English

gold and English intrigues. The Suez Canal, built by a Frenchman, Lesseps, is in the possession of the

English, facilitating their communications with India, and securing them the sovereignty of the world.

France will accordingly make certain stipulations as the price of its alliance-- stipulations which are so

loyal and equitable that there is no question whatever of their not being agreed to on the part of her ally,

Russia. France demands that her possessions in Tonking, Cochin China, Cambodia, Annam, and Laos

shall be guaranteed; that Russia be instrumental in assisting her to acquire Egypt, and that it pledge itself

to support the French policy in Tunis and the rest of Africa." In accordance with my instructions, I felt

myself empowered to assure M. Delcasse that his conditions were accepted on our side. In answer to

my question, whether a war with England would be popular in France, the Minister said: "The French

people will be ready for any sacrifice if we make Fashoda our war-cry. British insolence never showed

itself more brutal and insulting than over this affair. Our brave Marchand was on the spot with a superior

force, and France was within her rights. The simple demand of an English officer, who possessed no

other force but the moral one of the English flag, compelled us, however, under the political

circumstances which then obtained, to abandon our righteous claims, and to recall our brave leader. How

the French people viewed this defeat has been plainly seen. The Parisians gave Marchand a splendid

ovation as a national hero, and the French Government seriously contemplated the possibility of a

revolution. We are now in a position to take revenge for the humiliation which we then endured, probably

out of excessive prudence. If we inscribe the word FASHODA on the tricolour there will not be in the

whole of France a man capable of bearing arms who will not follow our lead with enthusiasm." It

appeared to me to be politic to assure myself whether the Government or the inspired press would not

perhaps promise the people the recovery of Alsace-Lorraine as the price of a victorious issue of the war.

But the Minister replied decidedly, "No. The question of Alsace-Lorraine," he declared, "must remain

outside our view as soon as we make up our minds to go in for practical politics. Nothing could possibly

be more fatal than to rouse bad blood in Germany. For the German Emperor is the tongue of the balance

in which the destinies of the world are weighed. England in her own esteem has nothing to fear from him.

She regards him more as an Englishman than a German. Her confidence in this respect must not be

disturbed; it forms one of the props on which British arrogance supports itself. The everlasting assurances

of the German Emperor, that he intends peace and nothing but peace, appear, of course, to confirm the

correctness of this view. But I am certain that the Emperor William's love of peace has its limits where the

welfare and the security of Germany are seriously jeopardised. In spite of his impulsive temperament, he

is not the ruler to allow himself to be influenced by every expression of popular clamour, and to be driven

by every ebullition of public feeling, to embark on a decisive course of action. But he is far-seeing enough

to discern at the right moment a real danger, and to meet it with the whole force of his personality. I do

not, therefore, look upon the hope of gaining him for an ally as a Utopian dream, and I trust that Russian

diplomacy will join with ours in bringing this alliance about. A war with England without Germany's

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support would always be a hazardous enterprise. Of course we are prepared to embark upon such a

war, alike for our friendship with Russia and for the sake of our national honour, but we could only

promise ourselves a successful issue if all the continental great Powers join hands in this momentous

undertaking."'"

Although the fact of an offensive and defensive alliance with France in view of a war with England could

not have been unknown to the majority of the assembled company, yet the reading of this despatch,

which was followed with breathless attention, evidently produced a deep impression. Its publication left

no room for doubt that this war had been resolved on in the highest quarters, and although no loud

manifestation of applause followed its reading, the illustrious assemblage now breathed freely, and almost

all faces wore an expression of joyous satisfaction.

Only one man, with knitted brows, regarded the scene with serious disapproval. For decades past he

had been regarded as the most influential man in Russia--as a power, in fact, who had constantly

thwarted the plans of the leading statesmen and had carried his opinions through with unswerving energy.

This solitary malcontent was Pobiedonostsev, the Chief Procurator of the Holy Synod, who, despite his

grey hairs, was detested only less than he was feared.

His gloomy mien and his shake of the head had not escaped the presiding Grand Duke, and the latter

evidently considered it to be his duty to give this man who had enjoyed the confidence of three

successive Tsars an opportunity of recording his divergent opinion.

At his summons the Chief Procurator arose, and, amid complete silence, said--

"It cannot be my duty to deliver an opinion as to the possibility or on the prospects of an alliance with

Germany, for I am as little acquainted as any here present with the intentions and plans of the German

Emperor. William II. is the greatest sphinx of our age. He talks much, and his speeches give the

impression of complete sincerity; but who can guess what is really behind them? That he has formulated a

fixed programme as his life's work, and that he is the man to carry it out, regardless whether public

opinion is on his side or not, thus much appears to me to be certain. If the subjection of England is a part

of his programme, then the hopes of the French Minister would, in fact, be no Utopia, only supposing

that the Emperor William considers the present the most suitable time for disclosing to the world his

ultimate aims. It would be the task of our diplomatic representative at the Court of Berlin to assure

himself on this point. But it is quite another question whether Russia really needs an alliance either with

Germany or with the Western Power just referred to, and my view of the case leads me to answer this

question in the negative. Russia is, at the present time, the last and sole bulwark of absolutism in Europe,

and if a ruler called by God's grace to the highest and most responsible of all earthly offices is to remain

strong enough to crush the spirit of rebellion and immorality which here and there, under the influence of

foreign elements, has shown itself in our beloved country, we must, before all things, take heed to keep

far away from our people the poison of the so-called liberal ideas, infidelity, and atheism with which it

seems likely to be contaminated from the West. In like manner, as we, a century ago, crushed the

powerful leader of the revolution, so also shall we to- day triumph over our foe--we single-handed! Let

our armies march into Persia, Afghanistan, and India, and lead throughout all Asia the dominion of the

true faith to victory. But keep our holy Russia uncontaminated by the poison of that heretical spirit, which

would be a worse foe than any foreign power can be."

He sat down, and for a moment absolute silence reigned. The Grand Duke made a serious face, and

exchanged a few whispered words with both his nephews.

Then he said: "All the gentlemen who have here given us their views on the situation are agreed that a

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declaration of war upon England is an exceedingly lamentable but, under the circumstances, unavoidable

necessity; yet before I communicate to His Majesty, our gracious Lord, this view, which is that of us all, I

put to you, gentlemen, the question whether there is anyone here who is of a contrary opinion. In this

case, I would beg of him to address us."

He waited a short while, but as no one wished to be allowed to speak, he rose from his chair, and with a

few words of thanks and a gentle bow to the dignitaries, who had also risen in their places, notified that

he regarded the sitting, fraught with momentous consequences for the destiny of the world, as closed.

II. THE OFFICERS' MESS

The place was Chanidigot, in British East India. The blinding brightness of the hot day had been

immediately followed, almost without the transition to twilight, by the darkness of evening, which brought

with it a refreshing coolness, allowing all living things to breathe again freely. In the wide plain, which

served as the encampment ground for the English regiment of lancers, all was alive again with the setting

of the sun. The soldiers, freed from the toil of duty, enjoyed themselves, according to their ideas and

dispositions, either in playing cards, singing, or merrily drinking. The large tent, used as a messroom by

the officers, also showed signs of life. Dinner was over, and a number of gentlemen sat down to a game

of cards, as was their daily custom. But here the amusement was of a less harmless character than in the

case of the private soldiers. For not innocent bridge, but "poker" was the order of the day, a game much

affected in America and also in some parts of England, a game which is solely determined by chance

together with a certain histrionic bluffing on the part of the players, and the stakes were rather high. It was

mostly played by the younger gentlemen, who could not do without their nerve-tonic in the evenings, in

the monotony of camp life. The older men sat apart at tables, talking and drinking whisky-and-soda, and

smoking their short pipes. Amongst them there was also a gentleman in civilian dress. The hospitality with

which he was treated showed that he was not one of the officers of the regiment, but their guest. The

sound of his name--he was addressed as Mr. Heideck-- would have betrayed his German origin, even

had his appearance not proclaimed it. He was of but medium height, but athletic in build. His erect,

soldiery bearing and the elasticity of his movements plainly betokened his excellent health and

considerable bodily strength. A foreigner can hardly present better credentials to an Englishman than

these qualities. Perhaps, more than anything else, it was his distinguished appearance, in conjunction with

his amiable and thoroughly gentlemanly bearing, that had so quickly opened the usually very exclusive

officers' circle to the young German, with his clever, energetic features, and his honest blue eyes.

Judged by his profession he did not, perhaps, belong to their society, according to the ideas of some of

these gentlemen. It was known that he was travelling for a large commercial house in Hamburg. His

uncle, the head of the house, imported indigo. And since the Maharajah of Chanidigot was the owner of

very extensive indigo fields, young Heideck had been detained here a whole fortnight by commercial

negotiations with the prince. He had succeeded, during this time, in gaining the lively sympathies of all, but

particularly of the older British officers. In Indian garrisons every European is welcome. Heideck was

also invited to those social functions at which the ladies of the regiment were present.

He had always refused an invitation to cards with polite firmness, and to-day also he was at most an

uninterested and unconcerned spectator.

Presently the door of the tent opened and a tall, but extremely slim officer joined the circle of his

comrades, jingling his spurs with a self-conscious, almost haughty attitude. He was in undress uniform and

talked to one of the gentlemen, who addressed him as Captain Irwin, about just returning from a fatiguing

ride for the inspection of an outpost. He demanded from one of the orderlies in attendance a refreshing

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drink, the favourite whisky-and-soda, then he drew close to the gaming-table.

"Room for a little one?" he asked. And place was readily made for him.

For a little while the game of poker went on in the same quiet way as before. But suddenly something

extraordinary must have happened. All the gentlemen, except Captain Irwin and one of the players, laid

down their cards, and the unpleasantly penetrating voice of Captain Irwin was heard.

"You are an old fox, Captain McGregor! But I am aware of your tricks and cannot be taken in by them.

Therefore, once more, six hundred rupees!"

Every poker-player knows that, so far from being considered dishonourable, it is a chief sign of skill in

the game, where each man plays for his own hand, for one to deceive the rest as to the value of the cards

he holds. The name of "bluff," which has been given to this game, is itself sufficient to show that everyone

has to try his best to puzzle his adversaries.

But this time Irwin appeared to have met his match in McGregor. For the Captain replied calmly: "Six

hundred and fifty. But I advise you not to see me, Irwin."

"Seven hundred."

"Seven hundred and fifty."

"Thousand!" shouted Irwin with resounding voice, and leant back in his chair smiling, as if certain of

victory.

"You had better consider what you are about," said McGregor. "I have given you warning."

"A convenient way to haul in seven hundred and fifty rupees. I repeat: A thousand rupees."

"One thousand and fifty!"

"Two thousand!"

All the gentlemen present in the tent had risen and stood round the two players, who, their cards

concealed in their hands, watched each other with sharp glances. Hermann Heideck, who had stepped

behind Irwin, noticed on the right hand of the Captain a magnificent diamond ring. But he also perceived,

by the way the bright sparkle of the stone quivered, how the gambler's fingers trembled.

Captain McGregor turned to his companions. "I take the gentlemen to witness that I have advised my

comrade Irwin not to see me at six hundred."

"To the devil with your advice!" Irwin interrupted almost furiously. "Am I a boy? Will you see me at two

thousand, McGregor, or will you not?"

"Very well, since you insist upon it--three thousand."

"Five thousand."

"Five thousand five hundred."

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"Ten thousand."

One of the higher officers, Major Robertson, laid his hand lightly upon the shoulder of the rash gambler.

"That is too much, Irwin. I do not care to interfere in these things, and since you do not belong to my

regiment, I can only speak to you as a comrade, not as a superior. But I am afraid you will be in

difficulties if you lose."

Angrily the Captain fired up--

"What do you mean by that, sir? If your words are intended to express a doubt as to my solvency--"

"Well! well--I did not mean to offend you. After all, you must know best yourself what you are justified

in doing."

Irwin repeated with a defiant air--

"Ten thousand! I am waiting for your answer, McGregor."

The adversary remained as calm as before.

"Ten thousand five hundred."

"Twenty thousand!"

"Are you drunk, Irwin?" whispered the young Lieutenant Temple into the Captain's ear, from the other

side. But he only glanced round with a furious look.

"Not more than you. Leave me alone, if you please."

"Twenty-one thousand," came the calm response from the other side of the table.

A short, awkward pause followed. Captain Irwin nervously gnawed his small dark moustache. Then he

raised his slim figure and called out--

"Fifty thousand!"

Once more the Major considered it his duty to endeavour to stop the game.

"I object," he said. "It has been always a rule that the pool cannot be raised by more than a thousand

rupees at a time. This limit has long since been passed."

A rude, hoarse laugh escaped Irwin's lips.

"It appears you want to save me, Major. But I am not in need of any saviour. If I lose I pay, and I don't

understand why the gentlemen are so concerned on my behalf."

The Major, who at last saw that all his good endeavours were misplaced, shrugged his shoulders.

Lieutenant Temple, however, thought he had a good idea, and with an apparently unintentional, though

violent, movement pushed against the light camp-table, and sent ashtrays, bottles, glasses, and cards

flying on the ground. But he did not gain anything by this, for the two players held their cards firmly in

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TheComingConquestofEnglandAugustNiemannTranslatedbyJ.H.FreeseThispagecopyright©2001BlackmaskOnline.http://www.blackmask.comAUTHOR'SPREFACETRANSLATOR'SNOTEI.THECOUNCILOFSTATEII.THEOFFICERS'MESSIII.ARUSSIANCOMRADEIV.THECIRCASSIANBEAUTYV.THECAPTAIN'SWIFEVI.THEOUTRAGEVII.THEMAHARAJAHVIII.THEPAMIRSIX.THE...

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August Niemann - Coming Conquest of England

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