Paul Collins - Banvards Folly

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BANVARD'S FOLLY Thirteen Tales of Renowned Obscurity, Famous Anonymity, and
Rotten Luck
by PAUL COLLINS
The historical record crowns success. Those enshrined in its annals are men
and women whose ideas, accomplishments, or personalities have dominated,
endured, and, most important of all, found champions. John F. Kennedy's
Profiles in Courage, Giorgio Vasari's Lives of the Artists, and Samuel
Johnson's Lives of the Poets are classic celebrations of the greatest, the
brightest, the eternally constellated.
Paul Collins's Banvard's Folly is a different kind of book. Here are thirteen
unforgettable portraits of forgotten people: men and women who might have
claimed their share of renown but who, whether from ill timing, skulduggery,
monomania, the tinge of madness, or plain bad luck--or perhaps some
combination of them all--leapt straight from life into thankless obscurity.
Among their number are scientists, artists, writers, entrepreneurs, and
adventurers, from across the centuries and around the world. They hold in
common the silenced aftermath of failure, the name that rings no bells.
Collins brings them back to glorious life. John Banvard was an artist whose
colossal panoramic canvases (one behemoth depiction of the entire eastern
shore of the Mississippi River was simply known as "The Three-Mile Painting")
made him the richest and most famous artist of his day ... before he decided
to go head-to-head with P. T. Barnum. Ren`e Blondlot was a distinguished
French physicist whose celebrated discovery of a new form of radiation, called
the n-ray, went terribly awry. At the tender age of seventeen, William Henry
Ireland signed "William Shakespeare" to a book and launched a short but
meteoric career as a forger of undiscovered works by the Bard--until he pushed
his luck too far. John Symmes, a hero of the War of 1812, nearly succeeded in
convincing Congress to fund an expedition to the North Pole, where he intended
to prove his theory that the earth was hollow and ripe for exploitation; his
quixotic quest counted Jules Verne and Edgar Allan Poe among its greatest
admirers.
Collins's love for what he calls the "forgotten ephemera of genius" gives his
portraits of these figures and the other nine men and women in Banvard's Folly
sympathetic depth and poignant relevance. Their effect is not to make us sneer
or revel in schadenfreude; here are no cautionary tales. Rather, here are
brief introductions--acts of excavation and reclamation--to people history may
have forgotten, but whose claim on our imagination is now secure.
Published by: Picador (R) USA, New York, N.y.
Copyright 2001 by Paul Collins.
"No writer better articulates our interest in the confluence of hope,
eccentricity, and the timelessness of the bold and strange than Paul Collins.
His style is clean and his tone unerring. This book, which is very
straightforward about very odd things, is funny and very warm--and may even be
inspirational." --Dave Eggers, author of A Heartbreaking Work of Staggering
Genius
"Though the most profound question is "What is the meaning of life?"' the
most human question is "Don't they know how special I am?"' Paul Collins
knows. Thanks to these fascinating tales, his forgotten attention-seekers must
be rolling over in their graves, if only to finally bask in the limelight."
--Sarah Vowell, author of Take the Cannoli
ABOUT THE AUTHOR
Paul Collins writes for McSweeney's, and his work has also appeared in
eCompany Now and Lingua Franca. While writing this book, he lived in San
Francisco, where he taught early American literature at Dominican University.
He recently moved with his family to rural Wales, where he is now completing
his next book.
THIS BOOK IS DEDICATED TO MY
PREDECESSORS:
Van Wyck Brooks Isaac D'israeli Stewart Holbrook Edmund Pearson
AND TO ANY PUBLISHER WHO WILL PUT THEIR WORKS BACK IN PRINT.
HAVE YOU HEARD THAT IT WAS GOOD
TO GAIN THE DAY? I ALSO SAY IT IS GOOD TO FALL,
BATTLES ARE LOST IN THE SAME SPIRIT IN WHICH THEY ARE
WON ....
VIVAS TO THOSE WHO HAVE FAIL'D! AND TO THOSE WHOSE WAR-VESSELS SANK
IN THE SEA! AND TO THOSE THEMSELVES WHO SANK IN THE
SEA! AND TO ALL GENERALS THAT LOST
ENGAGEMENTS, AND ALL OVERCOME HEROES! AND THE NUMBERLESS UNKNOWN HEROES
EQUAL TO THE GREATEST HEROES KNOWN! --Walt Whitman, "Song of Myself"
CONTENTS
Preface
1. BANVARD'S FOLLY
2. THE CLEVER DULLARD
3. SYMMES HOLE
4. THE MAN WITH n-Ray EYES
5. IF ONLY GENIUSES KNEW HOW TO SCHEME
6. 22,000 SEEDLINGS
7. PSALMANAZAR
8. THE PNEUMATIC UNDERGROUND
9. HE BEING DEAD YET SPEAKETH NOT
10. A DEDICATED AMATEUR OF FASHION
11. A. J. PLEASONTON'S BLUE LIGHT SPECIAL
12. YOUR GLORIOUS DAY IS COMING
13. WALKING ON THE RINGS OF SATURN
Further Readings
Acknowledgments
PREFACE
Peruse the documents of any era-newspapers, bills of sale, wills--and you
find nothing but forgotten names. A famous name brings an almost electric
shock of recognition, that in these crowds of nobodies and
once-were-somebodies is a person you can attach a face and a reputation to.
The collector and the historian value those rare documents. But I always find
myself wondering about the other people. And buried in these footnotes of
history are brilliant, fatally flawed thinkers who rose to dizzying heights of
intellect and even fame, only to come crashing down into disaster, ridicule,
or just the utter silence of oblivion.
Occasionally, I find others who share my predilection for the forgotten
ephemera of genius. There's the Dead Media web site, devoted to "the numerous
experiments that died on the barbed wire of technological advance. The Edison
kinetophone. Gaumont's Chronophone. The synchronoscope. The movietone.
Phonofilm. The graphophonoscope. The vitaphone ..." There are fellow
antiquarians like Edmund Pearson and Van Wyck Brooks, whose books I can
scarcely open without feeling the need to give the secret handshake for the
Universal Brotherhood of Collectors of Obscurity. And there's my old college
roommate, Shawn Lani, now the senior exhibit designer at the Exploratorium in
San Francisco. He contracted a collector's mania for household
photos--anonymous black-and-white photographs from yard sales or old wire
service archives, many lacking a date or even a name, but occasionally
capturing a serendipitous genius in their composition. We are all curators at
heart, I suppose, of items that we fear no one else will have time for.
Why write about such things?--you may ask.
And if it's not you, surely someone will ask this question. Despite our being
a nation of moralists, the only real sin in America is that of failure. The
man or woman of promise who has nothing but excuses and regrets to offer at
the end of the day --these people we do worse than despise. We avert our gaze
and excuse ourselves from their presence.
And why not? We are also a nation of successes. This, at least, is what every
demagogue, advertiser, and con artist tells us. We want to believe that we are
good people, and that opportunity is there for those with the spirit to
achieve it. Yet we laud men and women who have no better quality than the
possession of money, and who achieve their success on the backs of the
swindled and disdained. We want to believe that there is something more to
their success than mere greed and luck. Even more than a moral loser, we
cannot bear the thought of an immoral success.
There are moral successes, of course. But for each person credited with a
winning innovation, there are the losers who pursued a similar path to
failure. Perhaps their timing was wrong. Maybe they lacked the ruthless force
of personality that propels the winners of history. In the end, they might
even have been undone by weaknesses in character that had little to do with
the merits of their ideas.
And so I began this book, an account of those who have fallen in their
pursuits. Whole books could be unearthed on each of their lives--and I hope
that happens someday. But for now, these excavations may suffice.
BANVARD'S FOLLY
BANVARD'S FOLLY
Mister Banvard has done more to elevate the taste for fine arts, among those
who little thought on these subjects, than any single artist since the
discovery of painting and much praise is due him. --The Times of London
The life of John Banvard is the most perfect crystallization of loss
imaginable. In the 1850's, Banvard was the most famous living painter in the
world, and possibly the first millionaire artist in history. Acclaimed by
millions and by such contemporaries as Dickens, Longfellow, and Queen
Victoria, his artistry, wealth, and stature all seemed unassailable.
Thirty-five years later, he was laid to rest in a pauper's grave in a lonely
frontier town in the Dakota Territory. His most famous works were destroyed,
and an examination of reference books will not turn up a single mention of his
name. John Banvard, the greatest artist of his time, has been utterly
obliterated by history.
What happened?
In 1830, a fifteen-year-old American schoolboy passed out this handbill to
his classmates, complete with its homely omission of a 5th entertainment:
BANVARD'S ENTERTAINMENTS (to be seen at No. 68 Centre street, between White
and Walker.) Consisting of 1/. Solar Microscope 2nd. Camera Obscura 3rd. Punch
and Judy 4th. Sea Scene 6th. Magic Lantern Admittance (to see the whole) six
cents. The following are the days of performance, viz: Mondays, Thursdays, and
Saturdays. Performance to commence at half-past 3 P.m. JOHN BANVARD,
Proprietor
Although his classmates were not to know, they were only the first of more
than two million to witness the showmanship of John Banvard. Visiting
Banvard's home museum and diorama in Manhattan, they might have been greeted
by his father, Daniel, a successful building contractor and a dabbler in art
himself. His adventurous son had acquired a taste for sketching, writing, and
science--the latter pursuit beginning with a bang when an experiment with
hydrogen exploded in the young man's face, badly injuring his eyes.
Worse calamities lay in store. When Daniel Banvard suffered a stroke in 1831,
his business partner fled with the firm's assets. Daniel's subsequent death
left the family bankrupt. After watching his family's possessions auctioned
off, John lit out for the territories--or at least for Kentucky. Taking up
residence in Louisville as a drugstore clerk, he honed his artistic skills by
drawing chalk caricatures of customers in the back of the store. His boss, not
interested in patronizing adolescent art, fired him. Banvard soon found
himself scrounging for signposting and portrait jobs on the docks.
It was here that he met William Chapman, the owner of the country's first
showboat. Chapman offered Banvard work as a scene painter. The craft itself
was primitive by the standards of later showboats, as Banvard later recalled:
The boat was not very large, and if the audience collected too much on one
side, the water would intrude over the low gunwales into their exhibition
room. This kept the company by turns in the un-artist-like employment of
pumping, to keep the boat from sinking. Sometimes the swells from a passing
steamer would cause the water to rush through the cracks of the
weather-boarding, and give the audience a bathing .... They made no extra
charge for this part of the exhibition.
The pay proved to be equally unpredictable. But if nothing else, Chapman's
showboat gave Banvard ample practice in the rapid sketching and painting of
vast scenery--a skill that would eventually prove to be invaluable.
Deciding that he'd rather starve on his own payroll than on someone else's,
Banvard left the following season. He disembarked in New Harmony, Ohio, where
he set about assembling a theater company. Banvard himself would serve as an
actor, scene painter, and director; occasionally, he'd dash onstage to perform
as a magician. He funded the venture by suckering a backer out of his life
savings; this pattern of arts financing would haunt him later in life.
The river back then was still unspoiled--and unsafe. But the troupe did last
for two seasons, performing Shakespeare and popular plays while they floated
from port to port. Few towns could support their own theater, but they could
afford to splurge when the floating dramatists tied up at the dock. Customers
sometimes bartered their way aboard with chickens and sacks of potatoes, and
this helped fill in the many gaps in the troupe's menu. But eventually food,
money, and tempers ran so short that Banvard, broke and exhausted from bouts
with malarial ague, was reduced to begging on the docks of Paducah, Kentucky.
While Banvard was now a toughened showman with several years of experience, he
was also still a bright, intelligent, and sympathetic teenager. A local
impresario took pity on the bedraggled boy and hired him as a scene painter.
Banvard, relieved, quit the showboat.
It was a good thing that he did quit, for farther downriver a bloody knife
fight broke out between the desperate thespians. The law showed up in the form
of a hapless constable, who promptly stumbled through a trapdoor in the stage
and died of a broken neck. With a dead cop on their hands, the company
panicked and abandoned ship; Banvard never heard from any of them again.
While in Paducah, Banvard made his first attempts at crafting "moving
panoramas." The panorama--a circular artwork that surrounded the viewer--was a
relatively new invention, a clever use of perspective that emerged in the late
1700's. By 1800, it was declared an official art form by the Institut de
France. Photographic inventor L. J. Daguerre went on to pioneer the "diorama,"
which was a panorama of moving canvas panels viewed through atmospheric
effects. When Banvard was growing up in Manhattan, he could gape at these
continuous rolls of painted canvas depicting seaports and "A Trip to Niagara
Falls."
Moving into his twenties with the memories of his years of desperate illness
and hunger behind him, Banvard spent his spare time in Paducah painting
landscapes and creating his own moving panoramas of Venice and Jerusalem.
Stretched between two rollers and operated on one side by a crank, they
allowed audiences to stand in front and watch exotic scenery roll by. Banvard
could not stay away from the river for long, though. He began plying the
Mississippi, Ohio, and Missouri rivers again, working as a dry-goods trader
and an itinerant painter. He also had his eye on greater projects: a diorama
of the "infernal regions" had been touring the frontier successfully, and
Banvard thought he could improve upon it. During a stint in Louisville, he
executed a moving panorama that he described as "INFERNAL REGIONS, nearly 100
feet in length." He completed and sold this in 1841, and it came as a crowning
success atop the sale of his Venice and Jerusalem panoramas.
It is not easy to imagine the effect that panoramas had upon their viewers. It
was the birth of motion pictures--the first true marriage of the reality of
vision with the reality of physical movement. The public was enthralled, and
so was Banvard: he had the heady rush of an artist working at the dawn of a
new media. Emboldened by his early successes, the twenty-seven-year-old
painter began preparations for a painting so enormous and so absurdly
ambitious that it would dwarf any attempted before or since: a portrait of the
Mississippi River.
When we read of the frontier today, we are apt to envision California and
Nevada. In Banvard's time, though, "the frontier" still meant the Mississippi
River. A man setting off into its wilds and tributaries would only
occasionally find the friendly respite of a town; in between he faced
exposure, mosquitoes, and, if he ventured ashore, bears. But Banvard had been
up and down the river many times now, and had taken at least one trip solo as
a traveling salesman. The idylls of river life had charms and hazards, as he
later recalled:
All the toil, and its dangers, and exposure, and moving accidents of this
long and perilous voyage, are hidden, however, from the inhabitants, who
contemplate the boats floating by their dwellings and beautiful spring
mornings, when the verdant forest, the mild and delicious temperature of the
air, the delightful azure of the sky of this country, the fine bottom on one
hand, and the romantic bluff on the other, the broad and the smooth stream
rolling calmly down the forest, and floating the boat gently forward, present
delightful images and associations to the beholders. At this time, there is no
visible danger, or call for labor. The boat takes care of itself; and little
do the beholders imagine, how different a scene may be presented in half an
hour. Meantime, one of the hands scrapes a violin, and others dance.
Greetings, or rude defiances, or trials of wit, or proffers of love to the
girls on shore, or saucy messages, are scattered between them and the
spectators along the banks.
Banvard knew the physical challenge that he faced and was prepared for it.
But the challenge to his artistry was scarcely imaginable. In the spring of
1842, after buying a skiff, provisions, and a portmanteau full of pencils and
sketch pads, he set off down the Mississippi River. His goal was to sketch the
river from St. Louis all the way to New Orleans.
For the next two years, he spent his nights with his portmanteau as a pillow,
and his days gliding down the river, filling his sketch pads with river views.
Occasionally he'd pull into port to hawk cigars, meats, household goods, and
anything else he could sell to river folk. Banvard prospered at this, at one
point trading up to a larger boat so as to sell more goods. Recalling those
days to audiences a few years later--exercising his flair for drama, of
course, and referring to himself in the third person--he remembered the trying
times in between, when he was alone on the river:
His hands became hardened with constantly plying the oars, and his skin as
tawny as an Indian's, from exposure to the sun and the vicissitudes of the
weather. He would be weeks altogether without speaking to a human being,
having no other company than his rifle, which furnished him with his meat from
the game of the woods or the fowl of the river .... In the latter part of the
summer he reached New Orleans. The yellow fever was raging in that city, but
unmindful of that, he made his drawing of the place. The sun the while was so
intensely hot, that his skin became so burnt that it peeled from off the back
of his hands, and from his face. His eyes became inflamed by such constant and
extraordinary efforts, from which unhappy effects he has not recovered to this
day.
But in his unpublished autobiography, he recalled his travels a bit more
benignly:
[The river's current was] averaging from four to six miles per hour. So I
made fair progress along down the stream and began to fill my portfolio with
sketches of the river shores. At first it appeared lonesome to me drifting all
day in my little boat, but I finally got used to this.
By the time he arrived back in Louisville in 1844, this adventurer had
acquired the sketches, the tall tales, and the funds to realize his fantastic
vision of the river he had traveled. It would be the largest painting the
world had ever known.
Banvard was attempting to paint three thousand miles of the Mississippi from
its Missouri and Ohio sources. But if his project was grander than any before,
so were the ambitions of his era. Ralph Waldo Emerson, working the New England
public lecture circuit, had already lamented, "Our fisheries, our Negroes, and
Indians, our boasts ... the northern trade, the southern planting, the Western
clearing, Oregon, and Texas, are yet unsung. Yet America is a poem in our
eyes, its ample geography dazzles the imagination ...." The idea had been
voiced by novelists like Cooper before him, and later on by such poets as Walt
Whitman. When Banvard built a barn on the outskirts of Louisville in 1844 to
house the huge bolts of canvas that he had custom-ordered, he was sharing in
this grand vision of American art.
His first step was to devise a tracked system of grommets to keep the huge
panorama canvas from sagging. It was ingenious enough to be patented and
featured in a Scientific American article a few years later. And then, for
month after month, Banvard worked feverishly on his creation, painting in
broad strokes: trained in background painting, he specialized in conveying the
impression of vast landscapes. Looked at closely, this work held little for
the connoisseur trained in conventions of detail and perspective. But motion
worked magic upon the rough-hewn cabins, muddy banks, blooming cottonwoods,
frontier towns, and medicine-show flatboats.
During this time he also worked in town on odd jobs, but if he told anyone of
his own painting, we have no record of it. Fortunately, though, we have a
letter from an unexpected visitor to Banvard's barn. Lieutenant Selin
Woodworth had grown up a few houses away from Banvard and hadn't seen him in
sixteen years, and he could hardly pass by in the vast frontier without saying
hello. When he showed up unannounced at the barn, he was amazed by what
maturity had wrought in his childhood friend:
I called at the artist's studio, an immense wooden building .... The artist
himself, in his working cap and blouse, pallet and pencil in hand, came to the
door to admit us .... Within the studio, all seemed chaos and confusion, but
the life-like and natural appearance of a portion of his great picture,
displayed on one of the walls in a yet unfinished state .... A portion of this
canvas was wound upon a upright roller, or drum, standing on one end of the
building, and as the artist completes his painting he thus disposes of it.
Any description of this gigantic undertaking ... would convey but a faint idea
of what it will be when completed. The remarkable truthfulness of the minutest
objects upon the shores of the rivers, independent of the masterly, and
artistical execution of the work will make it the most valuable historical
painting in the world, and unequaled for magnitude and variety of interest, by
any work that has been heard of since the art of painting was discovered.
This was the creation that Banvard was ready to unveil to the world.
Banvard approached his opening day with the highest of hopes. Residents
reading the Louisville Morning Courier discovered on June 29, 1846, that their
local painter had rented out a hall to show off his work: "Banvard's Grand
Moving Panorama of the Mississippi will open at the Apollo Rooms, on Monday
Evening, June 29, 1846, and continue every evening till Saturday, July 4." A
review in the same paper declared, "The great three-mile painting is destined
to be one of the most celebrated paintings of the age." Little did the writer
of this review know how true this first glimpse was to prove: for while it was
to be the most celebrated painting of the age, it did not last for the ages.
Opening night certainly proved to be inauspicious. Banvard paced around his
exhibition hall, waiting for the crowds and the fifty-cent admission fees to
come pouring in. Darkness slowly fell, and a rain settled in. The panorama
stood upon the lighted stage, fully wound and awaiting the first turn of the
crank. And as the sun set and rain drummed on the roof, John Banvard waited
and waited.
Not a single person showed up.
It was a humiliating debut, and it should have been enough to make him pack
up and leave. But the next day saw John Banvard move from being a genius of
artistry to a genius of promotion. He spent the morning of the 30th working
the Louisville docks, chatting to steamboat crews with the assured air of one
who'd navigated the river many times himself. Moving from boat to boat, he
passed out free tickets to a special afternoon matinee.
Even if they had paid the full fee, the sailors would have got their money's
worth that afternoon. As the painted landscape glided by behind him, Banvard
described his travels upon the river-a tall tale of pirates, colorful frontier
eccentrics, hairbreadth escapes, and wondrous vistas, a tad exaggerated,
perhaps, but it still convinced a hallful of sailors who could have punctured
his veracity with a single catcall. When he gave his evening performance, crew
recommendations to passengers boosted his take to $10--not bad for an
evening's work in 1846. With each performance the audience grew, and within a
few days he was playing to a packed house.
Flush with money and a successful debut, Banvard returned to his studio and
added more sections to the painting, and then he moved it to a larger venue.
The crowds continued to pour in, and nearby towns chartered steamboats to see
the show. With the added sections, the show stretched to over two hours in
length; the canvas would be cranked faster or slower depending on audience
response. Each performance was unique, even for a customer who sat through two
in a row. The canvas wasn't rewound at the end of the show, so the
performances alternated between upriver and downriver journeys.
After a successful shakedown cruise, Banvard was ready to take his "Three Mile
Painting" to the big city. He held his last Louisville show on October 31 and
then headed for the epicenter of American intellectual culture: Boston.
Banvard installed his panorama in Boston's Armory Hall in time for the
Christmas season. He had honed his delivery to a perfect blend of racy
improvisation, reminiscences, and tall tales about infamous frontier brigands.
The crank machinery was now hidden from the audience, and Banvard had
commissioned a series of piano waltzes by Thomas Bricher to accompany his
narration. With creative lighting and the unfurling American landscape behind
him, Banvard had created a seemingly perfect synthesis of media.
Audiences loved it. By Banvard's account, in six months 251,702 Bostonians
viewed his extraordinary show; at fifty cents a head, he'd made about $100,000
in clear profit. In just one year, he'd gone from modest frontier sign painter
to famous and wealthy man--and probably the country's richest artist. When he
published the biographical pamphlet Description of Banvard's Panorama of the
Mississippi River (1847) and a transcription of his show's music, The
Mississippi Waltzes, he made more money. But there was an even happier result
to his inclusion of piano music--the young pianist he'd hired to perform it,
Elizabeth Goodman, soon became his fiancee, and then his wife.
Accolades continued to pour in, culminating in a final Boston performance that
saw the governor, the speaker of the house, and state representatives in the
audience unanimously passing a resolution to honor Banvard. His success was
also the talk of Boston's intellectual elite. John Greenleaf Whittier titled a
book after it (The Panorama and Other Poems) in 1856, and Henry Wadsworth
Longfellow wrote about the Mississippi in his epic Evangeline after seeing one
of Banvard's first Boston performances. Longfellow had never seen the river
himself--to him, the painting was real enough to suffice. In fact, Longfellow
was to invoke Banvard again in his novel Kavanaugh, using him as the standard
by which future American literature was to be judged: "We want a national epic
that shall correspond to the size of the country; that shall be to all other
epics what Banvard's panorama of the Mississippi is to all other
paintings--the largest in the world."
There is little doubt that Banvard's "Three Mile Painting" was the longest
ever produced. But it was a misleading appellation. John Hanners --the scholar
who almost single-handedly has kept Banvard's memory alive in our time--points
out: "Banvard always carefully pointed out that others called it three miles
of canvas. ... The area in its original form was 15,840 square feet, not three
miles in linear measurement."
But perhaps Banvard was in no hurry to correct the public's inflated
perceptions of his painting. His fame was now preceding him, and he moved his
show to New York City in 1847 to even bigger crowds and greater enrichment; it
was hailed there as "a monument of native talent and American genius." Each
night's receipts were carted to the bank in locked strongboxes; rather than
count the massive deposits, the banks simply started weighing Banvard's haul.
With acclaim and riches came the less sincere flattery of his fellow artists.
The artist closest upon Banvard's heels was John Rowson Smith, who had painted
a supposed "Four Mile Painting." For all Banvard's tendencies toward
exaggeration, there is even less reason or evidence to believe that his
opportunistic rivals produced panoramas larger than his. Still, it was a
worrisome trend. Banvard had been hearing for some time of plans by
unscrupulous promoters to copy his painting and to then show the pirated work
in Europe as the "genuine Banvard panorama." With the United States success
behind him, Banvard closed his New York show and booked a passage to
Liverpool.
Banvard spent the summer of 1848 warming up for his London shows with short
runs in Liverpool, Manchester, and other smaller cities. In London, the
enormous Egyptian Hall was booked for his show. He began by suitably
impressing the denizens of Fleet Street papers with a special showing. "It is
impossible," the Morning Advertiser marveled, "to convey an adequate idea of
this magnificent [exhibition]." The London Observer was equally impressed in
its review of November 27, 1848: "This is truly an extraordinary work. We have
never seen a work ... so grand in its whole character." Banvard was rapidly
achieving a sort of artistic beatification in the press.
The crowds and the money flowed in yet again. But to truly bring in the
chattering classes, Banvard needed something that he'd never had in the United
States: the imprimatur of royalty. After much finagling and plotting by
Banvard, he was summoned to Windsor Castle on April 11, 1849, for a special
performance before Queen Victoria and the royal family. Banvard was already a
rich man, but royal approval could make the difference between being a mere
artistic showman and an officially respected painter. Banvard gave the
performance of his life, delivering his anecdotes in perfect combination with
his wife at the piano; at the end, when he gave his final bow to the family
assembled at St. George's Hall, Banvard knew that he had made it as an artist.
For the rest of his life, he was to look back upon this as his finest hour.
His panorama show was now a sensation, running for a solid twenty months in
London and drawing more than 600,000 spectators. An enlarged and embellished
reprint of his autobiographical pamphlet, now titled Banvard, or the
Adventures of an Artist (1849), also sold well to Londoners, and his show's
waltzes could be heard in many a parlor. He penetrated every level of society;
after attending one show, Charles Dickens wrote him in an admiring letter: "I
was in the highest degree interested and pleased by your picture." To the
other dwellers of this island nation, whose experience of sailing was often
that of stormy seas, Banvard offered the spice of frontier danger blended with
the honeyed idylls of riverboat life:
Certainly, there can be no comparison between the comfort of the passage from
Cincinnati to New Orleans in such a steamboat, and to a voyage at sea. The
barren and boundless expanse of waters soon tires upon every eye but a
seaman's. And then there are storms, and the necessity of fastening the
tables, and of holding onto something, to keep in bed. There is the
insupportable nausea of sea sickness, and there is danger. Here you are always
near the shore, always see green earth; can always eat, write and study,
undisturbed. You can always obtain cream, fowls, vegetables, fruit, fresh
meat, and wild game, in their season, from the shore.
Toward the end of these London shows, Banvard found himself increasingly
dogged by imitators--there were fifty competing panoramas in the 1849-50
season alone. In addition to suffering competition from longtime rival John
Rowson Smith, Banvard now had scurrilous accusations of plagiarism flung at
him by fellow expatriate portraitist George Caitlin, a jealous painter who had
"befriended" Banvard in order to borrow money. Banvard also found his shows
being set upon by the spies of his rivals, who hired art students to sit in
the audience and sketch his work as it rolled by.
We know that a form of art has permeated a culture when cheap imitations
appear, and even more so when parodies of these imitations emerge. There is a
long-forgotten work in this vein by American humorist Artemus Ward, which was
published posthumously as Artemus Ward, His Panorama (1869). Ward spent the
last years of his life working in London, and had probably attended some of
the numerous panoramic travelogues and travesties that darted about in
Banvard's wake. His panorama, as shown by illustrations of the supposed stage
(which, as often as not, is obscured by a faulty curtain), consists of a
discourse on San Francisco and Salt Lake City, often interrupted by crapulous
bits of tangential mumbling in small type:
If you should be dissatisfied with anything here tonight-I will admit you all
free in New Zealand--if you will come to me there for the orders.
This story hasn't anything to do with my Entertainment, I know--but one of the
principle features of my Entertainment is that it contains so many things that
don't have anything to do with it.
For ads reproduced in the book, Ward munificently assures his audiences that
his lecture hall has been lavishly equipped with "new doorknobs." But
Banvard's most serious rivals were not such bumblers, and so he had to swing
back into action. Locking himself in the studio again, he created another
Mississippi panorama. Where the first panorama had been a view of the eastern
bank, this new painting depicted the western bank. He then placed the London
摘要:

BANVARD'SFOLLYThirteenTalesofRenownedObscurity,FamousAnonymity,andRottenLuckbyPAULCOLLINSThehistoricalrecordcrownssuccess.Thoseenshrinedinitsannalsaremenandwomenwhoseideas,accomplishments,orpersonalitieshavedominated,endured,and,mostimportantofall,foundchampions.JohnF.Kennedy'sProfilesinCourage,Gior...

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