Study of the King James Bible(钦印〈圣经〉研究)

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Study of the King James Bible
1
Study of the King James
Bible
BY CLELAND BOYD McAFEE, D.D.
Study of the King James Bible
2
PREFACE
THE lectures included in this volume were prepared at the request of
the Brooklyn Institute of Arts and Sciences, and were delivered in the
early part of 1912, under its auspices. They were suggested by the
tercentenary of the King James version of the Bible. The plan adopted led
to a restatement of the history which prepared for the version, and of that
which produced it. It was natural next to point out its principal
characteristics as a piece of literature. Two lectures followed, noting its
influence on literature and on history. The course closed with a statement
and argument regarding the place of the Bible in the life of to-day.
The reception accorded the lectures at the time of their public delivery,
and the discussion which ensued upon some of the points raised,
encourage the hope that they may be more widely useful.
It is a pleasure to assign to Dr. Franklin W. Hooper, director of the
Institute, whatever credit the work may merit. Certainly it would not have
been undertaken without his kindly urgency.
CLELAND BOYD McAFEE.
Brooklyn, New York, May, 1912.
Study of the King James Bible
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LECTURE I
PREPARING THE WAY--THE ENGLISH BIBLE BEFORE
KING JAMES
THERE are three great Book-religions-- Judaism, Christianity, and
Mohammedanism. Other religions have their sacred writings, but they do
not hold them in the same regard as do these three. Buddhism and
Confucianism count their books rather records of their faith than rules for
it, history rather than authoritative sources of belief. The three great Book-
religions yield a measure of authority to their sacred books which would
be utterly foreign to the thought of other faiths.
Yet among the three named are two very distinct attitudes. To the
Mohammedan the language as well as the matter of the Koran is sacred.
He will not permit its translation. Its original Arabic is the only
authoritative tongue in which it can speak. It has been translated into other
tongues, but always by adherents of other faiths, never by its own
believers. The Hebrew and the Christian, on the other hand, but notably
the Christian, have persistently sought to make their Bible speak all
languages at all times.
It is a curious fact that a Book written in one tongue should have come
to its largest power in other languages than its own. The Bible means more
to-day in German and French and English than it does in Hebrew and
Chaldaic and Greek-- more even than it ever meant in those languages.
There is nothing just like that in literary history. It is as though
Shakespeare should after a while become negligible for most readers in
English, and be a master of thought in Chinese and Hindustani, or in some
language yet unborn.
We owe this persistent effort to make the Bible speak the language of
the times to a conviction that the particular language used is not the great
thing, that there is something in it which gives it power and value in any
tongue. No book was ever translated so often. Men who have known it in
its earliest tongues have realized that their fellows would not learn these
earliest tongues, and they have set out to make it speak the tongue their
fellows did know. Some have protested that there is impiety in making it
Study of the King James Bible
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speak the current tongue, and have insisted that men should learn the
earliest speech, or at least accept their knowledge of the Book from those
who did know it. But they have never stopped the movement. They have
only delayed it.
The first movement to make the Scripture speak the current tongue
appeared nearly three centuries before Christ. Most of the Old Testament
then existed in Hebrew. But the Jews had scattered widely. Many had
gathered in Egypt where Alexander the Great had founded the city that
bears his name. At one time a third of the population of the city was
Jewish. Many of the people were passionately loyal to their old religion
and its Sacred Book. But the current tongue there and through most of the
civilized world was Greek, and not Hebrew. As always, there were some
who felt that the Book and its original language were inseparable. Others
revealed the disposition of which we spoke a moment ago, and set out to
make the Book speak the current tongue. For one hundred and fifty years
the work went on, and what we call the Septuagint was completed. There
is a pretty little story which tells how the version got its name, which
means the Seventy--that King Ptolemy Philadelphus, interested in
collecting all sacred books, gathered seventy Hebrew scholars, sent them
to the island of Pharos, shut them up in seventy rooms for seventy days,
each making a translation from the Hebrew into the Greek. When they
came out, behold, their translations were all exactly alike! Several
difficulties appear in that story, one of which is that seventy men should
have made the same mistakes without depending on each other. In addition,
it is not historically supported, and the fact seems to be that the Septuagint
was a long and slow growth, issuing from the impulse to make the Sacred
Book speak the familiar tongue. And, though it was a Greek translation, it
virtually displaced the original, as the English Bible has virtually
displaced the Hebrew and Greek to-day. The Septuagint was the Old
Testament which Paul used. Of one hundred and sixty-eight direct
quotations from the Old Testament in the New nearly all are from the
Greek version--from the translation, and not from the original.
We owe still more to translation. While there is accumulating evidence
that there was spoken in Palestine at that time a colloquial Greek, with
Study of the King James Bible
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which most people would be familiar, it is yet probable that our Lord
spoke neither Greek nor Hebrew currently, but Aramaic. He knew the
Hebrew Scriptures, of course, as any well- trained lad did; but most of His
words have come down to us in translation. His name, for example, to His
Hebrew mother, was not Jesus, but Joshua; and Jesus is the translation of
the Hebrew Joshua into Greek. We have His words as they were translated
by His disciples into the Greek, in which the New Testament was
originally written.
By the time the writing of the New Testament was completed, say one
hundred years after Christ, while Greek was still current speech, the
Roman Empire was so dominant that the common people were talking
Latin almost as much as Greek, and gradually, because political power
was behind it, the Latin gained on the Greek, and became virtually the
speech of the common people. The movement to make the Bible talk the
language of the time appeared again. It is impossible to say now when the
first translations into Latin were made. Certainly there were some within
two centuries after Christ, and by 250 A.D. a whole Bible in Latin was in
circulation in the Roman Empire. The translation of the New Testament
was from the Greek, of course, but so was that of the Old Testament, and
the Latin versions of the Old Testament were, therefore, translations of a
translation.
There were so many of these versions, and they were so unequal in
value, that there was natural demand for a Latin translation that should be
authoritative. So came into being what we call the Vulgate, whose very
name indicates the desire to get the Bible into the vulgar or common
tongue. Jerome began by revising the earlier Latin translations, but ended
by going back of all translations to the original Greek, and back of the
Septuagint to the original Hebrew wherever he could do so. Fourteen years
he labored, settling himself in Bethlehem, in Palestine, to do his work the
better. Barely four hundred years (404 A.D.) after the birth of Christ his
Latin version appeared. It met a storm of protest for its effort to go back of
the Septuagint, so dominant had the translation become. Jerome fought for
it, and his version won the day, and became the authoritative Latin
translation of the Bible.
Study of the King James Bible
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For seven or eight centuries it held its sway as the current version
nearest to the tongue of the people. Latin had become the accepted tongue
of the church. There was little general culture, there was little general
acquaintance with the Bible except among the educated. During all that
time there was no real room for a further translation. One of the writers[1]
says: "Medieval England was quite unripe for a Bible in the mother tongue;
while the illiterate majority were in no condition to feel the want of such a
book, the educated minority would be averse to so great and revolutionary
a change." When a man cannot read any writing it really does not matter to
him whether books are in current speech or not, and the majority of the
people for those seven or eight centuries could read nothing at all. Those
who could read anything were apt to be able to read the Latin.
[1] Hoare, Evolution of the English Bible, p. 39.
These centuries added to the conviction of many that the Bible ought
not to become too common, that it should not be read by everybody, that it
required a certain amount of learning to make it safe reading. They came
to feel that it is as important to have an authoritative interpretation of the
Bible as to have the Bible itself. When the movement began to make it
speak the new English tongue, it provoked the most violent opposition.
Latin had been good enough for a millennium; why cheapen the Bible by a
translation? There had grown up a feeling that Jerome himself had been
inspired. He had been canonized, and half the references to him in that
time speak of him as the inspired translator. Criticism of his version was
counted as impious and profane as criticisms of the original text could
possibly have been. It is one of the ironies of history that the version for
which Jerome had to fight, and which was counted a piece of impiety itself,
actually became the ground on which men stood when they fought against
another version, counting anything else but this very version an impious
intrusion!
How early the movement for an English Bible began, it is impossible
now to say. Certainly just before 700 A.D., that first singer of the English
tongue, Caedmon, had learned to paraphrase the Bible. We may recall the
Venerable Bede's charming story of him, and how he came by his power
of interpretation. Bede himself was a child when Caedmon died, and the
Study of the King James Bible
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romance of the story makes it one of the finest in our literature. Caedmon
was a peasant, a farm laborer in Northumbria working on the lands of the
great Abbey at Whitby. Already he had passed middle life, and no spark of
genius had flashed in him. He loved to go to the festive gatherings and
hear the others sing their improvised poems; but, when the harp came
around to him in due course, he would leave the room, for be could not
sing. One night when he had slipped away from the group in shame and
had made his rounds of the horses and cattle under his care, he fell asleep
in the stable building, and heard a voice in his sleep bidding him sing.
When he declared he could not, the voice still bade him sing. "What shall I
sing?" he asked. "Sing the first beginning of created things." And the
words came to him; and, still dreaming, he sang his first hymn to the
Creator. In the morning he told his story, and the Lady Abbess found that
he had the divine gift. The monks had but to translate to him bits of the
Bible out of the Latin, which he did not understand, into his familiar
Anglo-Saxon tongue, and he would cast it into the rugged Saxon measures
which could be sung by the common people. So far as we can tell, it was
so, that the Bible story became current in Anglo-Saxon speech. Bede
himself certainly put the Gospel of John into Anglo-Saxon. At the
Bodleian Library, at Oxford, there is a manuscript of nearly twenty
thousand lines, the metrical version of the Gospel and the Acts, done near
1250 by an Augustinian monk named Orm, and so called the Ormulum.
There were other metrical versions of various parts of the Bible. Midway
between Bede and Orm came Langland's poem, "The Vision of Piers
Plowman," which paraphrased so much of the Scripture.
Yet the fact is that until the last quarter of the fourteenth century there
was no prose version of the Bible in the English language. Indeed, there
was only coming to be an English language. It was gradually emerging,
taking definite shape and form, so that it could be distinguished from the
earlier Norman French, Saxon, and Anglo-Saxon, in which so much of it is
rooted.
As soon as the language grew definite enough, it was inevitable that
two things should come to pass. First, that some men would attempt to
make a colloquial version of the Bible; and, secondly, that others would
Study of the King James Bible
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oppose it. One can count with all confidence on these two groups of men,
marching through history like the animals into the ark, two and two. Some
men propose, others oppose. They are built on those lines.
We are more concerned with the men who made the versions; but we
must think a moment of the others. One of his contemporaries, Knighton,
may speak for all in his saying of Wiclif, that he had, to be sure, translated
the Gospel into the Anglic tongue, but that it had thereby been made
vulgar by him, and more open to the reading of laymen and women than it
usually is to the knowledge of lettered and intelligent clergy, and "thus the
pearl is cast abroad and trodden under the feet of swine"; and, that we may
not be in doubt who are the swine, he adds: "The jewel of the Church is
turned into the common sport of the people."
But two strong impulses drive thoughtful men to any effort that will
secure wide knowledge of the Bible. One is their love of the Bible and
their belief in it; but the other, dominant then and now, is a sense of the
need of their own time. It cannot be too strongly urged that the two great
pioneers of English Bible translation, Wiclif and Tindale, more than a
century apart, were chiefly moved to their work by social conditions. No
one could read the literature of the times of which we are speaking without
smiling at our assumption that we are the first who have cared for social
needs. We talk about the past as the age of the individual, and the present
as the social age. Our fathers, we say, cared only to be saved themselves,
and had no concern for the evils of society. They believed in rescuing one
here and another there, while we have come to see the wisdom of
correcting the conditions that ruin men, and so saving men in the mass.
There must be some basis of truth for that, since we say it so confidently;
but it can be much over-accented. There were many of our fathers, and of
our grandfathers, who were mightily concerned with the mass of people,
and looked as carefully as we do for a corrective of social evils. Wiclif, in
the late fourteenth century, and Tindale, in the early sixteenth, were two
such men. The first English translations of the Bible were fruits of the
social impulse.
Wiclif was impressed with the chasm that was growing between the
church and the people, and felt that a wider and fuller knowledge of the
Study of the King James Bible
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Bible would be helpful for the closing of the chasm. It is a familiar remark
of Miss Jane Addams that the cure for the evils of democracy is more
democracy. Wiclif believed that the cure for the evils of religion is more
religion, more intelligent religion. He found a considerable feeling that the
best things in religion ought to be kept from most people, since they could
not be trusted to understand them. His own feeling was that the best things
in religion are exactly the things most people ought to know most about;
that people had better handle the Bible carelessly, mistakenly, than be shut
out from it by any means whatever. We owe the first English translation to
a faith that the Bible is a book of emancipation for the mind and for the
political life.
John Wiclif himself was a scholar of Oxford, master of that famous
Balliol College which has had such a list of distinguished masters. He was
an adviser of Edward III. Twenty years after his death a younger
contemporary (W. Thorpe) said that "he was considered by many to be the
most holy of all the men of his age. He was of emaciated frame, spare, and
well nigh destitute of strength. He was absolutely blameless in his
conduct." And even that same Knighton who accused him of casting the
Church's pearl before swine says that in philosophy "he came to be
reckoned inferior to none of his time."
But it was not at Oxford that he came to know common life so well
and to sense the need for a new social influence. He came nearer to it
when he was rector of the parish at Lutterworth. As scholar and rector he
set going the two great movements which leave his name in history. One
was his securing, training, and sending out a band of itinerant preachers or
"poor priests" to gather the people in fields and byways and to preach the
simple truths of the Christian religion. They were unpaid, and lived by the
kindness of the common people. They came to be called Lollards, though
the origin of the name is obscure. Their followers received the same name.
A few years after Wiclif's death an enemy bitterly observed that if you met
any two men one was sure to be a Lollard. It was the "first time in English
history that an appeal had been made to the people instead of the
scholars." Religion was to be made rather a matter of practical life than of
dogma or of ritual. The "poor priests" in their cheap brown robes became a
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mighty religious force, and evoked opposition from the Church powers. A
generation after Wiclif's death they had become a mighty political force in
the controversy between the King and the Pope. As late as 1521 five
hundred Lollards were arrested in London by the bishop.[1] Wiclif's
purpose, however, was to reach and help the common people with the
simpler, and therefore the most fundamental, truths of religion.
[1] Muir, Our Grand Old Bible, p. 14.
The other movement which marks Wiclif's name concerns us more;
but it was connected with the first. He set out to give the common people
the full text of the Bible for their common use, and to encourage them not
only in reading it, if already they could read, but in learning to read that
they might read it. Tennyson compares the village of Lutterworth to that of
Bethlehem, on the ground that if Christ, the Word of God, was born at
Bethlehem, the Word of Life was born again at Lutterworth.[1] The
translation was from the Vulgate, and Wiclif probably did little of the
actual work himself, yet it is all his work. And in 1382, more than five
centuries ago, there appeared the first complete English version of the
Bible. Wiclif made it the people's Book, and the English people were the
first of the modern nations to whom the Bible as a whole was given in
their own familiar tongue. Once it got into their hands they have never let
it be taken entirely away.
[1] "Not least art thou, thou little Bethlehem In Judah, for in thee
the Lord was born; Nor thou in Britain, little Lutterworth, Least, for in
thee the word was born again." --Sir John
Oldcastle.
Of course, all this was before the days of printing, and copies were
made by hand only. Yet there were very many of them. One hundred and
fifty manuscripts, in whole or in part, are extant still, a score of them of
the original version, the others of the revision at once undertaken by John
Purvey, Wiclif's disciple. The copies belonging to Edward VI. and Queen
Elizabeth are both still in existence, and both show much use. Twenty
years after it was completed copies were counted very valuable, though
they were very numerous. It was not uncommon for a single complete
manuscript copy of the Wiclif version to be sold for one hundred and fifty
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StudyoftheKingJamesBible1StudyoftheKingJamesBibleBYCLELANDBOYDMcAFEE,D.D.StudyoftheKingJamesBible2PREFACETHElecturesincludedinthisvolumewerepreparedattherequestoftheBrooklynInstituteofArtsandSciences,andweredeliveredintheearlypartof1912,underitsauspices.TheyweresuggestedbythetercentenaryoftheKingJam...

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