The Memorabilia(纪念品)

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The Memorabilia
1
The Memorabilia
by Xenophon
Translation by H. G. Dakyns
The Memorabilia
2
BOOK I
I
I have often wondered by what arguments those who indicted[1]
Socrates could have persuaded the Athenians that his life was justly forfeit
to the state. The indictment was to this effect: "Socrates is guilty of crime
in refusing to recognise the gods acknowledged by the state, and importing
strange divinities of his own; he is further guilty of corrupting the young."
[1] {oi grapsamenoi} = Meletus (below, IV. iv. 4, viii. 4; "Apol." 11,
19), Anytus ("Apol." 29), and Lycon. See Plat. "Apol." II. v. 18;
Diog. Laert. II. v. (Socr.); M. Schanz, "Plat. Apol. mit deutschen
Kemmentar, Einleitung," S. 5 foll.
In the first place, what evidence did they produce that Socrates refused
to recognise the gods acknowledged by the state? Was it that he did not
sacrifice? or that he dispensed with divination? On the contrary, he was
often to be seen engaged in sacrifice, at home or at the common altars of
the state. Nor was his dependence on divination less manifest. Indeed that
saying of his, "A divinity[2] gives me a sign," was on everybody's lips. So
much so that, if I am not mistaken, it lay at the root of the imputation that
he imported novel divinities; though there was no greater novelty in his
case than in that of other believers in oracular help, who commonly rely
on omens of all sorts: the flight or cry of birds, the utterances of man,
chance meetings,[3] or a victim's entrails. Even according to the popular
conception, it is not the mere fowl, it is not the chance individual one
meets, who knows what things are profitable for a man, but it is the gods
who vouchsafe by such instruments to signify the same. This was also the
tenet of Socrates. Only, whereas men ordinarily speak of being turned
aside, or urged onwards by birds, or other creatures encountered on the
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path, Socrates suited his language to his conviction. "The divinity," said he,
"gives me a sign." Further, he would constantly advise his associates to do
this, or beware of doing that, upon the authority of this same divine voice;
and, as a matter of fact, those who listened to his warnings prospered,
whilst he who turned a deaf ear to them repented afterwards.[4] Yet, it will
be readily conceded, he would hardly desire to present himself to his
everyday companions in the character of either knave or fool. Whereas he
would have appeared to be both, supposing[5] the God-given revelations
had but revealed his own proneness to deception. It is plain he would not
have ventured on forecast at all, but for his belief that the words he spoke
would in fact be verified. Then on whom, or what, was the assurance
rooted, if not upon God? And if he had faith in the gods, how could he fail
to recognise them?
[2] Or, "A divine something." See "Encyc. Brit." "Socrates." Dr. H.
Jackason; "The Daemon of Socrates," F. W. H. Myers; K. Joel, "Der
echte und der Xenophontische Sokrates," i. p. 70 foll.; cf. Aristot. "M.
M." 1182 a 10.
[3] See Aesch. "P. V." 487, {enodious te sombolous}, "and pathway
tokens," L. Campbell; Arist. "Birds," 721, {sombolon ornin}:
"Frogs," 196, {to sometukhon exion}; "Eccl." 792; Hor. "Od." iii. 27,
1-7.
[4] See "Anab." III. i. 4; "Symp." iv. 48.
[5] Or, "if his vaunted manifestations from heaven had but manifested
the falsity of his judgment."
But his mode of dealing with his intimates has another aspect. As
regards the ordinary necessities of life,[6] his advice was, "Act as you
believe[7] these things may best be done." But in the case of those darker
problems, the issues of which are incalculable, he directed his friends to
consult the oracle, whether the business should be undertaken or not. "No
one," he would say, "who wishes to manage a house or city with success:
no one aspiring to guide the helm of state aright, can afford to dipense
with aid from above. Doubtless, skill in carpentering, building, smithying,
farming, of the art of governing men, together with the theory of these
The Memorabilia
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processes, and the sciences of arithmetic, economy, strategy, are affairs of
study, and within the grasp of human intelligence. Yet there is a side even
of these, and that not the least important, which the gods reserve to
themselves, the bearing of which is hidden from mortal vision. Thus, let a
man sow a field or plant a farm never so well, yet he cannot foretell who
will gather in the fruits: another may build him a house of fairest
proportion, yet he knows not who will inhabit it. Neither can a general
foresee whether it will profit him to conduct a campaign, nor a politician
be certain whether his leadership will turn to evil or good. Nor can the
man who weds a fair wife, looking forward to joy, know whether through
her he shall not reap sorrow. Neither can he who has built up a powerful
connection in the state know whether he shall not by means of it be cast
out of his city. To suppose that all these matters lay within the scope of
human judgment, to the exclusion of the preternatural, was preternatural
folly. Nor was it less extravagant to go and consult the will of Heaven on
any questions which it is given to us to decide by dint of learning. As
though a man should inquire, "Am I to choose an expert driver as my
coachman, or one who has never handled the reins?" "Shall I appoint a
mariner to be skipper of my vessel, or a landsman?" And so with respect to
all we may know by numbering, weighing, and measuring. To seek advice
from Heaven on such points was a sort of profanity. "Our duty is plain," he
would observe; "where we are permitted to work through our natural
faculties, there let us by all means apply them. But in things which are
hidden, let us seek to gain knowledge from above, by divination; for the
gods," he added, "grant signs to those to whom they will be gracious."
[6] Or, "in the sphere of the determined," {ta anagkaia} = certa,
quorum eventus est necessarius; "things positive, the law-ordained
department of life," as we might say. See Grote, "H. G." i. ch. xvi.
500 and passim.
[7] Reading {os nomizoien}, or if {os enomizen}, translate "As to
things with certain results, he advised them to do them in the way in
which he believed they would be done best"; i.e. he did not say,
"follow your conscience," but, "this course seems best to me under
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the circumstances."
Again, Socrates ever lived in the public eye; at early morning he was
to be seen betaking himself to one of the promenades, or wrestling-
grounds; at noon he would appear with the gathering crowds in the
market-place; and as day declined, wherever the largest throng might be
encountered, there was he to be found, talking for the most part, while any
one who chose might stop and listen. Yet no one ever heard him say, or
saw him do anything impious or irreverent. Indeed, in contrast to others he
set his face against all discussion of such high matters as the nature of the
Universe; how the "kosmos," as the savants[8] phrase it, came into
being;[9] or by what forces the celestial phenomena arise. To trouble one's
brain about such matters was, he argued, to play the fool. He would ask
first: Did these investigators feel their knowledge of things human so
complete that they betook themselves to these lofty speculations? Or did
they maintain that they were playing their proper parts in thus neglecting
the affairs of man to speculate on the concerns of God? He was astonished
they did not see how far these problems lay beyond mortal ken; since even
those who pride themselves most on their discussion of these points differ
from each other, as madmen do. For just as some madmen, he said, have
no apprehension of what is truly terrible, others fear where no fear is;
some are ready to say and do anything in public without the slightest
symptom of shame;[10] others think they ought not so much as to set foot
among their fellow-men; some honour neither temple, nor altar, nor aught
else sacred to the name of God; others bow down to stocks and stones and
worship the very beasts:--so is it with those thinkers whose minds are
cumbered with cares[11] concerning the Universal Nature. One sect[12]
has discovered that Being is one and indivisible. Another[13] that it is
infinite in number. If one[14] proclaims that all things are in a continual
flux, another[15] replies that nothing can possibly be moved at any time.
The theory of the universe as a process of birth and death is met by the
counter theory, that nothing ever could be born or ever will die.
[8] Lit. "the sophists." See H. Sidgwick, "J. of Philol." iv. 1872; v.
1874.
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[9] Reading {ephu}. Cf. Lucian, "Icaromenip." xlvi. 4, in imitation of
this passage apparently; or if {ekhei}, translate "is arranged." See
Grote, "H. G." viii. 573.
[10] See "Anab." V. iv. 30.
[11] See Arist. "Clouds," 101, {merimnophrontistai kaloi te kagathoi}.
[12] e.g. Xenophanes and Parmenides, see Grote, "Plato," I. i. 16
foll.
[13] e.g. Leucippus and Democritus, ib. 63 foll.
[14] e.g. Heraclitus, ib. 27 foll.
[15] e.g. Zeno, ib. ii. 96.
But the questioning of Socrates on the merits of these speculators
sometimes took another form. The student of human learning expects, he
said, to make something of his studies for the benefit of himself or others,
as he likes. Do these explorers into the divine operations hope that when
they have discovered by what forces the various phenomena occur, they
will create winds and waters at will and fruitful seasons? Will they
manipulate these and the like to suit their needs? or has no such notion
perhaps ever entered their heads, and will they be content simply to know
how such things come into existence? But if this was his mode of
describing those who meddle with such matters as these, he himself never
wearied of discussing human topics. What is piety? what is impiety? What
is the beautiful? what the ugly? What the noble? what the base? What are
meant by just and unjust? what by sobriety and madness? what by courage
and cowardice? What is a state? what is a statesman? what is a ruler over
men? what is a ruling character? and other like problems, the knowledge
of which, as he put it, conferred a patent of nobility on the possessor,[16]
whereas those who lacked the knowledge might deservedly be stigmatised
as slaves.
[16] Or, "was distinctive of the 'beautiful and good.'" For the phrase
see below, ii. 2 et passim.
Now, in so far as the opinions of Socrates were unknown to the world
at large, it is not surprising that the court should draw false conclusions
respecting them; but that facts patent to all should have been ignored is
The Memorabilia
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indeed astonishing.
At one time Socrates was a member of the Council,[17] he had taken
the senatorial oath, and sworn "as a member of that house to act in
conformity with the laws." It was thus he chanced to be President of the
Popular Assembly,[18] when that body was seized with a desire to put the
nine[19] generals, Thrasyllus, Erasinides, and the rest, to death by a single
inclusive vote. Whereupon, in spite of the bitter resentment of the people,
and the menaces of several influential citizens, he refused to put the
question, esteeming it of greater importance faithfully to abide by the oath
which he had taken, than to gratify the people wrongfully, or to screen
himself from the menaces of the mighty. The fact being, that with regard
to the care bestowed by the gods upon men, his belief differed widely
from that of the multitude. Whereas most people seem to imagine that the
gods know in part, and are ignorant in part, Socrates believed firmly that
the gods know all things--both the things that are said and the things that
are done, and the things that are counselled in the silent chambers of the
heart. Moreover, they are present everywhere, and bestow signs upon man
concerning all the things of man.
[17] Or "Senate." Lit. "the Boule."
[18] Lit. "Epistates of the Ecclesia." See Grote, "H. G." viii. 271;
Plat. "Apol." 32 B.
[19] {ennea} would seem to be a slip of the pen for {okto}, eight. See
"Hell." I. v. 16; vi. 16; vi. 29; vii. 1 foll.
I can, therefore, but repeat my former words. It is a marvel to me how
the Athenians came to be persuaded that Socrates fell short of sober-
mindedness as touching the gods. A man who never ventured one impious
word or deed against the gods we worship, but whose whole language
concerning them, and his every act, closely coincided, word for word, and
deed for deed, with all we deem distinctive of devoutest piety.
The Memorabilia
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II
No less surprising to my mind is the belief that Socrates corrupted the
young. This man, who, beyond what has been already stated, kept his
appetites and passions under strict control, who was pre-eminently capable
of enduring winter's cold and summer's heat and every kind of toil, who
was so schooled to curtail his needs that with the scantiest of means he
never lacked sufficiency--is it credible that such a man could have made
others irreverent or lawless, or licentious, or effeminate in face of toil?
Was he not rather the saving of many through the passion for virtue which
he roused in them, and the hope he infused that through careful
management of themselves they might grow to be truly beautiful and
good--not indeed that he ever undertook to be a teacher of virtue, but
being evidently virtuous himself he made those who associated with him
hope that by imitating they might at last resemble him.
But let it not be inferred that he was negligent of his own body or
approved of those who neglected theirs. If excess of eating, counteracted
by excess of toil, was a dietary of which he disapproved,[1] to gratify the
natural claim of appetite in conjunction with moderate exercise was a
system he favoured, as tending to a healthy condition of the body without
trammelling the cultivation of the spirit. On the other hand, there was
nothing dandified or pretentious about him; he indulged in no foppery of
shawl or shoes, or other effeminacy of living.
[1] See [Plat.] "Erast." 132 C.
Least of all did he tend to make his companions greedy of money. He
would not, while restraining passion generally, make capital out of the one
passion which attached others to himself; and by this abstinence, he
believed, he was best consulting his own freedom; in so much that he
stigmatised those who condescended to take wages for their society as
vendors of their own persons, because they were compelled to discuss for
the benefits of their paymasters. What surprised him was that any one
possessing virtue should deign to ask money as its price instead of simply
The Memorabilia
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finding his rward in the acquisition of an honest friend, as if the new-
fledged soul of honour could forget her debt of gratitude to her greatest
benefactor.
For himself, without making any such profession, he was content to
believe that those who accepted his views would play their parts as good
and true friends to himself and one another their lives long. Once more
then: how should a man of this character corrupt the young? unless the
careful cultivation of virtue be corruption.
But, says the accuser,[2] by all that's sacred! did not Socrates cause his
associates to despise the established laws when he dwelt on the folly of
appointing state officers by ballot?[3] a principle which, he said, no one
would care to apply in selecting a pilot or a flute- player or in any similar
case, where a mistake would be far less disastrous than in matters political.
Words like these, according to the accuser, tended to incite the young to
contemn the established constitution, rendering them violent and
headstrong. But for myself I think that those who cultivate wisdom and
believe themselves able to instruct their fellow-citizens as to their interests
are least likely to become partisans of violence. They are too well aware
that to violence attach enmities and dangers, whereas results as good may
be obtained by persuasion safely and amicably. For the victim of violence
hates with vindictiveness as one from whom something precious has been
stolen, while the willing subject of persuasion is ready to kiss the hand
which has done him a service. Hence compulsion is not the method of him
who makes wisdom his study, but of him who wields power untempered
by reflection. Once more: the man who ventures on violence needs the
support of many to fight his battles, while he whose strength lies in
persuasiveness triumphs single-handed, for he is conscious of a cunning to
compel consent unaided. And what has such a one to do with the spilling
of blood? since how ridiculous it were to do men to death rather than turn
to account the trusty service of the living.
[2] {o kategoros} = Polycrates possibly. See M. Schantz, op. cit.,
"Einleitun," S. 6: "Die Anklagerede des Polykrates"; Introduction, p.
xxxii. foll.
The Memorabilia
10
[3] i.e. staking the election of a magistrate on the colour of a bean.
See Aristot. "Ath. Pol." viii. 2, and Dr. Sandys ad loc.
But, the accuser answers, the two men[4] who wrought the greatest
evils to the state at any time--to wit, Critias and Alcibiades--were both
companions of Socrates--Critias the oligarch, and Alcibiades the democrat.
Where would you find a more arrant thief, savage, and murderer[5] than
the one? where such a portent of insolence, incontinence, and high-
handedness as the other? For my part, in so far as these two wrought evil
to the state, I have no desire to appear as the apologist of either. I confine
myself to explaining what this intimacy of theirs with Socrates really was.
[4] See "Hell." I. and II. passim.
[5] Reading {kleptistatos te kai biaiotatos kai phonikotatos}, or if
{pleonektistatos te kai biaiotatis}, translate "such a manner of greed
and violence as the one, of insolence, etc., as the other?" See Grote,
"H. G." viii. 337. Never were two more ambitious citizens seen at Athens.
Ambition was in their blood. If they were to have their will, all power was
to be in their hands; their fame was to eclipse all other. Of Socrates they
knew--first that he lived an absolutely independent life on the scantiest
means; next that he was self-disciplined to the last degree in respect of
pleasures; lastly that he was so formidable in debate that there was no
antagonist he could not twist round his little finger. Such being their views,
and such the character of the pair, which is the more probable: that they
sought the society of Socrates because they felt the fascination of his life,
and were attracted by the bearing of the man? or because they thought, if
only we are leagued with him we shall become adepts in statecraft and
unrivalled in the arts of speech and action? For my part I believe that if the
choice from Heaven had been given them to live such a life as they saw
Socrates living to its close, or to die, they would both have chosen death.
Their acts are a conclusive witness to their characters. They no sooner
felt themselves to be the masters of those they came in contact with than
they sprang aside from Socrates and plunged into that whirl of politics but
for which they might never have sought his society.
It may be objected: before giving his companions lessons in politics
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TheMemorabilia1TheMemorabiliabyXenophonTranslationbyH.G.DakynsTheMemorabilia2BOOKIIIhaveoftenwonderedbywhatargumentsthosewhoindicted[1]SocratescouldhavepersuadedtheAtheniansthathislifewasjustlyforfeittothestate.Theindictmentwastothiseffect:"Socratesisguiltyofcrimeinrefusingtorecognisethegodsacknowle...

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