One life—weighed very little in those scales.
He drew deep breaths. He walked into the Council chambers and made polite
conversation with the few who came to commiserate with the losers. He gritted
his teeth and walked over to pay his polite congratulations to Bogdanovitch,
who, holding the seat of the Bureau of State, chaired the Council.
Bogdanovitch kept his face absolutely bland, his kindly, white-browed eyes the
image of everyone's grandfather, full of gentility and civility. Not a trace
of triumph. If he had been that good when he negotiated the Alliance
settlement, Union would own the codes to Pell. Bogdanovitch was always better
at petty politics. And he was another one who lasted. His electorate was all
professional, the consuls, the appointees, immigration, the station
administrators—a minuscule number of people to elect an office which had
started out far less important than it had turned out to be. God, how had the
framers of the Constitution let themselves play creative games with the
political system? The 'new model,' they had called it; 'a government shaped by
an informed electorate.' And they had thrown ten thousand years of human
experience out the hatch, a damned bunch of social theorists, including,
including Olga Emory and James Carnath, back in the days when Cyteen had five
seats of the Nine and most of the Council of Worlds.
"Tough one, Mikhail," Bogdanovitch said, shaking his hand and patting it.
"Well, will of the electorate," Corain said. "Can't quarrel with that." He
smiled with absolute control. "We did get the highest percentage yet."
Someday, you old pirate, someday I'll have the majority.
And you'll live to see it.
"Will of the electors," Bogdanovitch said, still smiling, and Corain smiled
till his teeth ached, then turned from Bogdanovitch to Jenner Harogo, another
of that breed, holding the powerful Internal Affairs seat, and Catherine Lao,
who held the Bureau of Information, which vetted all the tapes. Of course.
Emory came sailing in and they left him in mid-sentence to go and join her
claque. Corain exchanged a pained look with Industry, Nguyen Tien of Viking;
and Finance, Mahmud Chavez of Voyager Station, Centrists both. Their fourth
seat, Adm. Leonid Gorodin, was over in a grim confluence of his own uniformed
aides. Defense was, ironically, the least reliable—the most prone to reassess
his position and shift into the Expansionist camp if he conceived near-term
reasons. That was Gorodin, Centrist only because he wanted the new Excelsior-
class military transports kept in near space where he could use them, not, as
he put it, 'out on our backside while Alliance pulls another damn embargo. You
want your electorates hammering at your doors for supplies, you want another
hot war, citizens, let's just send those carriers out to the far Beyond and
leave us depending on Alliance merchanters. . . .'
Not saying, of course, that the Treaty of Pell, which had agreed that the
merchanters' Alliance would haul cargo and build no warships; and that Union,
which had built a good many of those haulers, would maintain its fleet, but
build no ships to compete with the merchanters . . . was a diplomatic buy-off,
a ransom to get supply flowing again. Bogdanovitch had brought that home and
even Emory had voted against it.
The stations had passed it. The full General Council had to vote on it, and it