
and only if it is happy with it, the votes have equal weight, and the final decision is based on majority.
This policy is sometimes referred to as the “selfish” or “egoistic” democratic policy.
Equally faithful is a democratic voting policy where each agent is aware of the preferences of all other
agents, and votes according to the wishes of the majority of the population (again with votes having
equal weight and decision by majority). In this case, the voting will in fact end up with a consensus.
This policy is sometimes referred to as the “altruistic” democratic policy.
In the current paper we are concerned with two-stage decision-making policies collectively known as
“majority of majorities,” where the first stage involves local majority votes carried out inside a number
of voting bodies (subsets of the population), and the second stage involves a majority vote among the
outcomes obtained at these voting bodies. In some cases, such a policy can alternatively be viewed as
a single-stage voting policy falling “in-between” the egoistic and altruistic policies, where each agent is
aware of the preferences of a local subset of the population (viewed as its “neighborhood”), and votes
according to the wishes of the neighborhood majority.
It has long been known that decisions made by a majority of majorities can actually be supported
only by a minority, namely, they are not faithful. Despite this property,1called the referendum paradox
[2], two-stage procedures of this kind continue to be widely used. Political examples include the electors’
system of electing the president of the United States and many parliamentary procedures. Political
scientists continue to warn that “if a bare majority of members of a bare majority of (equal-sized)
parliaments voted ‘yes’ to a measure, that would mean only slightly more than one quarter of all members
voted ‘yes’—and thus a measure could pass with nearly three quarters of members opposed” [3]. Is this
effect enhanced or weakened when there are many local voting bodies, they have the same size and can
be arbitrarily mixed? To answer this question, we study the majority of majorities on regular graphs.
To formalize this question, let us say that a procedure for approving proposals is α1-protecting and
α2-trusting (with 0 ≤α1≤α2≤1) if it rejects all proposals for which |H|/|V| ≤ α1and accepts
all proposals for which |H|/|V|> α2.In the intermediate cases where α1<|H|/|V| ≤ α2, such a
procedure may accept or reject the proposal taking into account other factors. In particular, this can
be determined by the graph expressing the connections between happy and sad agents. The classical
simple majority procedure is obviously both 1/2-protecting and 1/2-trusting. Expressed in these terms,
the question we explore is to determine, for d-regular graphs of order |V|=n, the greatest α1and the
smallest α2such that the “majority of majorities” policy is α1-protecting and α2-trusting.
Contributions: The main result of the paper, Theorem 14, concerns a triple (n, d, h),where nis an
odd order of a regular graph with loops, dis the vertex degree, and his the number of happy vertices
(supporting the proposal). The theorem establishes conditions that, for a given triple (n, d, h), determine
whether there is a graph whose vertices are labeled as happy or sad with parameters (n, d, h) on which
the majority of local (neighborhood) majorities accepts the proposal as well as whether there is such
a configuration on which this is not the case. In addition, we study the properties of the relationship
between the final two-stage majority decision and the parameters n, d, and h.
The rest of the paper is organized as follows. Section 2 presents the basic notation and formulation of
the problem, and provides a simple necessary condition for the acceptance of a proposal by a two-stage
majority on a regular graph with all loops. In Section 3, the main technical statements are proved.
1As mentioned in [1], a hierarchical method of voting was at the heart of Lenin’s Utopian concept of centralized
democracy implemented in the Soviet Union (the term Soviet itself means council) and its satellites for party institutions,
national bodies, and trade unions. “For party institutions (which were the most important) there could be as many as
seven levels.”
2