Healthcare serial killer or coincidence Statistical issues in investigation of suspected medical misconduct

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Healthcare serial killer or coincidence?
Statistical issues in investigation of suspected
medical misconduct
P.J. Green
, R.D. Gill
, N. Mackenzie
, J. Mortera§
, W.C. Thompson
27 September, 2022
Abstract
Justice systems are sometimes called upon to evaluate cases in which
healthcare professionals are suspected of killing their patients illegally.
These cases are difficult to evaluate because they involve at least two levels
of uncertainty. Commonly in a murder case it is clear that a homicide
has occurred, and investigators must resolve uncertainty about who is
responsible. In the cases we examine here there is also uncertainty about
whether homicide has occurred. Investigators need to consider whether
the deaths that prompted the investigation could plausibly have occurred
for reasons other than homicide, in addition to considering whether, if
homicide was indeed the cause, the person under suspicion is responsible.
In this report (commissioned by the Section on Forensic Statistics of the
Royal Statistical Society, London) we provide advice and guidance on
the investigation and evaluation of such cases. Our work was prompted
by concerns about the statistical challenges such cases pose for the legal
system.
Contents
1 Overview 2
2 “This could not have been a coincidence!” 5
2.a Seemingly unlikely coincidences can and do occur . . . . . . . . . 8
2.b The importance of avoiding illogical inferences from p-values . . 9
3 Competing theories 11
4 Investigative bias 15
4.a Unconscious bias throughout society . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 16
4.b Anatomy of a biased investigation . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 18
University of Bristol,UK
Leiden University, Netherlands; email: gill@math.leidenuniv.nl
Arnot Manderson Advocates, Edinburgh
§Universit´a Roma Tre
University of California, Irvine
1
arXiv:2210.00962v1 [stat.AP] 3 Oct 2022
4.c “Suspicious deaths” . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 19
4.d Access and opportunity . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 20
4.e Similar circumstances . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 21
4.f Theroleofchance .......................... 22
5 Advice on investigative procedures 23
5.a Identifying all potential causal factors . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 24
5.b Minimisingbias............................ 25
5.c The role for statistics in other specialist evidence . . . . . . . . . 27
6 Advice for evidence evaluation and case presentation 28
6.a Thelawyersrole ........................... 28
6.b Evaluating event clusters . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 30
6.c Recognising the consequences of investigative bias . . . . . . . . 31
6.d Avoiding fallacious interpretations of statistical findings . . . . . 34
7 Conclusions and summary of recommendations 34
8 References 37
A Appendices 42
A.1 Probability and odds . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 42
A.2 Statistical significance, effect size and risk . . . . . . . . . . . . . 43
A.3 Sensitivity and specificity . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 45
A.4 Bayesrule .............................. 45
A.5 Cumulative effects of bias: two worked numerical examples . . . 48
A.5.1 Example1........................... 49
A.5.2 Example2........................... 50
A.6 Patterns of occurrence of adverse events . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 51
A.7 Usual practice in medical statistics and epidemiology. . . . . . . 54
A.8 Annotated code and output . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 56
A.9 Members of the working party drawing up this report . . . . . . 63
1 Overview
Justice systems are sometimes called upon to evaluate cases in which health-
care professionals are suspected of killing their patients illegally. These cases
are difficult to evaluate because they involve at least two levels of uncertainty.
Commonly in a murder case it is clear that a homicide has occurred, and in-
vestigators must resolve uncertainty about who is responsible. In the cases we
examine here there is also uncertainty about whether homicide has occurred.
Investigators need to consider whether the deaths that prompted the investiga-
tion could plausibly have occurred for reasons other than homicide, in addition
to considering whether, if homicide was indeed the cause, the person under
suspicion is responsible.
In this report, the RSS provides advice and guidance on the investigation
and evaluation of such cases. This report was prompted by concerns about
the statistical challenges such cases pose for the legal system. The cases often
turn, in part, on statistical evidence that is difficult for lay people and even
legal professionals to evaluate. Furthermore, the statistical evidence may be
2
distorted by biases, hidden or apparent, in the investigative process that render
it misleading. In providing advice on how to conduct investigations in such
cases, this report particularly focuses on minimising the kinds of biases that
could distort statistical evidence arising from the investigation. This report
also provides guidance on how to recognise and take account of such biases
when evaluating statistical evidence and more broadly on how to understand
the strengths and limitations of such evidence and give it proper weight.
This report is designed specifically to help all professionals involved in in-
vestigating such cases and those who evaluate such cases in the legal system,
including expert witnesses. It will also be of interest to scholars and legal profes-
sionals who are interested in the role of statistics in evidentiary proof, and more
generally to anyone interested in improving criminal investigations. With such
a wide range of audiences, it is inevitable that for some readers certain sections
may seem more relevant, and some less so, but we believe it is important not
to aim particular sections at particular kinds of reader. We want, for example,
the barrister to see what advice we give to the expert statistical witness – and
we hope understand it, at least in broad terms – and vice versa; we believe that
is important in helping all parties to appreciate the contributions of others in
reaching just outcomes.
Because suspicions about medical murder often arise due to a surprising
or unexpected series of events, such as an unusual number of deaths among
patients under the care of a particular professional, this report will begin (in
Section 2) with a discussion of the statistical challenge of distinguishing event
clusters that arise from criminal acts from those that arise coincidentally from
other causes. This analysis will show that seemingly improbable patterns of
events (eg apparent clusters, rising trends, etc.) can often arise without criminal
behaviour and may therefore have less probative value than people assume for
distinguishing criminality from coincidence.
Section 3 of this report will focus on the competing theories that are of-
ten advanced by the prosecution and defence when a medical professional faces
criminal charges for killing patients. The prosecution’s theory is typically that a
medical professional, previously trusted to perform critical life-saving functions,
has unexpectedly (and sometimes inexplicably), chosen to murder patients in
his or her care. While history has shown that humans are capable of such be-
haviour, and there have indeed been cases in which, for example, physicians
have murdered multiple patients, nevertheless proven instances are thankfully
extraordinarily rare – a mere handful of documented cases, perhaps a dozen or
so per year, among the many millions of healthcare professionals worldwide. So
the prosecution’s theory in such cases is often one that appears, a priori, to
be improbable. Alternative theories – ie, that some unknown factors, or mere
chance, caused deaths to occur in apparently extraordinary numbers among pa-
tients under the care of a particular professional – often also appear improbable.
So the assessment of the case invariably turns, at least in part, on a weighing or
balancing of the probabilities of seemingly extraordinary events. Such assess-
ments are challenging under the best of circumstances but become especially
difficult when the evidence adduced to distinguish between the competing the-
ories may be biased or presented in a misleading manner.
Section 4 of this report discusses the kinds of investigative biases that can
arise in these cases. Our focus is on ways that investigators’ desires and expec-
tations may unintentionally and even unconsciously influence what they
3
look for, how they characterise and classify what they find, what they deem to
be relevant and irrelevant, and what they choose to disclose. Examiner bias is a
well-known phenomenon in both scientific and forensic investigations. It arises
in large part from what are known as observer effects, a tendency for human
beings to look for data confirming their expectations (confirmation bias) and
to interpret data in ways that are subtly (and often unconsciously) influenced
by their expectations and desires. Statisticians have long studied the ways in
which examiner bias can distort statistical evidence emerging from scientific
and forensic investigations. In Section 4, we apply insights from this scientific
literature to an analysis of the investigative process in the types of cases dis-
cussed in this report. We also draw examples from investigations of actual cases
that illustrate what we believe to have been biased investigative processes and
discuss how such biases can generate misleading statistical findings. It bears
repeating that our focus in this section is on processes that can unintentionally
and unconsciously influence the investigative process. We are not questioning
the general honesty, integrity or good intentions of those involved in investigat-
ing such cases. We focus instead on investigative procedures that can distort
statistical findings in ways that, while entirely unintentional, may nevertheless
be important.
Section 5 of this report provides advice on how to improve investigative
procedures in order to minimise investigative biases. While it is impossible to
eliminate all human biases from a criminal investigation, there are a number of
procedures that can reduce bias and thereby improve the quality and objectivity
of the evidence emerging from the types of investigations we discuss here. We
focus particularly on the advantages of blinding and masking procedures, which
involve temporarily withholding potentially biasing facts from some of those
involved in the investigation. We go on to discuss ways to reduce “tunnel vision”
in which the investigation becomes a search for evidence confirming a particular
investigative theory while ignoring or dismissing evidence inconsistent with that
theory. We provide and explain advice on appropriate correct analyses of data,
and discuss two worked examples.
Section 6 provides advice on evidence evaluation and fact-finding in these
cases. We expect this report to be relevant and useful anywhere such cases may
arise; hence we do not limit our discussion to the needs of a particular legal
system, and expect our advice to be useful both in inquisitorial and adversarial
legal processes. We believe the statistical issues in these cases pose challenges to
legal fact-finders in every jurisdiction, whether they are professional judges or lay
jurors, and are challenging for lawyers as well. Our advice focuses on identifying
and appreciating ways in which statistical evidence may be misleading, and
assuring (to the extent possible) that presentations of evidence are balanced in
order to help triers-of-fact appreciate both the strengths and limitations of the
evidence, and give it only the weight it deserves. We will provide examples of
presentations and arguments that we consider to be misleading or inappropriate.
We will discuss cautionary instructions that may be helpful to lay fact-finders.
Ultimately, we hope our comments will help lawyers and judges, and statisticians
and other experts, refine their presentation and evaluation of evidence in these
difficult cases in order to better serve the interests of justice.
Finally, we draw together our main conclusions, and present a summary of
our most important recommendations in Section 7.
4
2 “This could not have been a coincidence!”
The challenge of drawing conclusions from suspicious clusters of deaths
(or other adverse outcomes)
In some cases suspicions against medical professionals arise for the very rea-
son that an apparently unusual number of deaths occurs among their patients.
In other cases suspicions arise for unrelated reasons and this prompts an ex-
amination of cases where a certain medical professional was on duty and this
reveals an apparently unusual number of deaths. There is a statistical chal-
lenge of distinguishing event clusters that arise from criminal acts from those
that arise coincidentally from other factors. Seemingly improbable clusters of
events can often arise by chance without criminal behaviour and may therefore
have less probative value than people assume for distinguishing criminality from
coincidence.
Lucy and Aitken published an analysis of evidence used to prosecute medical
professionals accused of harming their patients1. They found (see p. 152) that
“evidence of attendance” was “by far the most frequently occurring” yet was also
“the most difficult type of evidence, both from a legal and epistemological point
of view”. While other types of evidence may be presented, such as evidence
of a criminal intent (mens rea) and the means to carry it out, or eyewitness
accounts, these tend to be less than definitive for a variety of reasons, such as
the difficulty of ascertaining retrospectively the exact cause of death and the
uncertainty inherent in assessing human motives and behaviour. Statistics on
the relative rate of deaths when a particular professional was “in attendance”
may, by contrast, seem more objective and scientific, making statistical evidence
the lynchpin of these cases.
Drawing causal conclusions from a statistically improbable cluster of events
is often challenging, however.2A criminal investigation is analogous to a ret-
rospective observational study. In such a study, it is possible to ascertain cor-
relations between variables. The study might establish, for example, that the
death rate was higher when a particular medical professional was present on a
hospital ward. However, one of the fundamental principles of logical inference
is that correlation does not prove causation. The increase in death rate cannot,
in itself, prove that the professional in question was engaging in misconduct
that caused the increase in deaths because other factors, known as confounding
variables, might offer alternative explanations.3Competent investigators are
attentive to the possibility of confounding variables and may attempt to take
them into account. Even if all known confounding variables are taken into ac-
count, however, there might be additional confounders, unknown, unmeasured,
unmeasurable, or otherwise inadequately dealt with, that affect mortality rates
when a given medical professional is on duty. For example, there may be changes
in the circumstances and characteristics of the hospital for reasons that are not
measured, or even not observable at all. So finding an association of a particular
professional with high mortality rates cannot per se have a causal interpretation.
1Lucy and Aitken (2002).
2Wartenberg, 2001.
3A confounder is a variable, not of prime concern in a study, that is associated with both
the ‘exposure’ (eg presence of a particular nurse) and the ‘outcome’ (eg unexpected death
of a patient). Neglect or inadequate attention to confounders typically leads to misleading
conclusions about the causal effect of the exposure.
5
摘要:

Healthcareserialkillerorcoincidence?StatisticalissuesininvestigationofsuspectedmedicalmisconductP.J.Green*,R.D.Gill„,N.Mackenzie…,J.Mortera§,W.C.Thompson¶27September,2022AbstractJusticesystemsaresometimescalledupontoevaluatecasesinwhichhealthcareprofessionalsaresuspectedofkillingtheirpatientsillegal...

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