Wall Street & The Bolshevic Revolution - By Antony Sutton

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WALL STREET

AND THE

BOLSHEVIK

REVOLUTION

Antony C. Sutton

TABLE OF CONTENTS

Preface

Chapter I:

The Actors on the Revolutionary Stage

Chapter II:

Trotsky Leaves New York to Complete the Revolution

Woodrow Wilson and a Passport for Trotsky

Canadian Government Documents on Trotsky's Release

Canadian Military Intelligence Views Trotsky

Trotsky's Intentions and Objectives

Chapter III:

Lenin and German Assistance for the Bolshevik Revolution

The Sisson Documents

The Tug-of-War in Washington

Chapter IV:

Wall Street and the World Revolution

American Bankers and Tsarist Loans

Olof Aschberg in New York, 1916

Olof Aschberg in the Bolshevik Revolution

Nya Banken and Guaranty Trust Join Ruskombank

Guaranty Trust and German Espionage in the United States, 1914-1917

The Guaranty Trust-Minotto-Caillaux Threads

Chapter V:

The American Red Cross Mission in Russia — 1917

American Red Cross Mission to Russia — 1917

American Red Cross Mission to Rumania

Thompson in Kerensky's Russia

Thompson Gives the Bolsheviks $1 Million

Socialist Mining Promoter Raymond Robins

The International Red Cross and Revolution

Chapter VI:

Consolidation and Export of the Revolution

A Consultation with Lloyd George

Thompson's Intentions and Objectives

Thompson Returns to the United States

The Unofficial Ambassadors: Robins, Lockhart, and Sadoul

Exporting the Revolution: Jacob H. Rubin

Exporting the Revolution: Robert Minor

Chapter VII:

The Bolsheviks Return to New York

A Raid on the Soviet Bureau in New York

Corporate Allies for the Soviet Bureau

European Bankers Aid the Bolsheviks

Chapter VIII:

120 Broadway, New York City

American International Corporation

The Influence of American International on the Revolution

The Federal Reserve Bank of New York

American-Russian Industrial Syndicate Inc.

John Reed: Establishment Revolutionary

John Reed and the Metropolitan Magazine

Chapter IX:

Guaranty Trust Goes to Russia

*****

Wall Street Comes to the Aid of Professor Lomonossoff

The Stage Is Set for Commercial Exploitation of Russia

Germany and the United States Struggle for Russian Business

Soviet Gold and American Banks

Max May of Guaranty Trust Becomes Director of Ruskombank

Chapter X:

J.P. Morgan Gives a Little Help to the Other Side

United Americans Formed to Fight Communism

United Americans Reveals "Startling Disclosures" on Reds

Conclusions Concerning United Americans

Morgan and Rockefeller Aid Kolchak

Chapter XI:

The Alliance of Bankers and Revolution

The Evidence Presented: A Synopsis

The Explanation for the Unholy Alliance

The Marburg Plan

Appendix I:

Directors of Major Banks,

Firms, and Institutions Mentioned

in This Book (as in 1917-1918)

Appendix II:

The Jewish-Conspiracy Theory of the

Bolshevik Revolution

Appendix III:

Selected Documents from Government

Files of the United States and Great Britain

Selected Bibliography

Index

those unknown Russian libertarians, also

known as Greens, who in 1919 fought both

the Reds and the Whites in their attempt to

gain a free and voluntary Russia

*****

This work was created with the permission of Antony

C. Sutton.

reproduced without written permission from the

author, except by a reviewer who may quote brief

passages in connection with a review.

HTML version created in the United States of

America by Studies in Reformed Theology

PREFACE

Since the early 1920s, numerous pamphlets and articles, even a few books, have sought to

forge a link between "international bankers" and "Bolshevik revolutionaries." Rarely have

these attempts been supported by hard evidence, and never have such attempts been argued

within the framework of a scientific methodology. Indeed, some of the "evidence" used in

these efforts has been fraudulent, some has been irrelevant, much cannot be checked.

Examination of the topic by academic writers has been studiously avoided; probably

because the hypothesis offends the neat dichotomy of capitalists versus Communists (and

everyone knows, of course, that these are bitter enemies). Moreover, because a great deal

that has been written borders on the absurd, a sound academic reputation could easily be

wrecked on the shoals of ridicule. Reason enough to avoid the topic.

Fortunately, the State Department Decimal File, particularly the 861.00 section, contains

extensive documentation on the hypothesized link. When the evidence in these official

papers is merged with nonofficial evidence from biographies, personal papers, and

conventional histories, a truly fascinating story emerges.

We find there was a link between some New York international bankers and many

revolutionaries, including Bolsheviks. These banking gentlemen — who are here identified

— had a financial stake in, and were rooting for, the success of the Bolshevik Revolution.

Who, why — and for how much — is the story in this book.

Antony C. Sutton

March 1974

BACK

Chapter I

THE ACTORS ON THE REVOLUTIONARY STAGE

Dear Mr. President:

I am in sympathy with the Soviet form of government as that best suited

for the Russian people...

Letter to President Woodrow Wilson (October 17, 1918) from William

Lawrence Saunders, chairman, Ingersoll-Rand Corp.; director, American

International Corp.; and deputy chairman, Federal Reserve Bank of New York

The frontispiece in this book was drawn by cartoonist Robert Minor in 1911 for the St.

Louis Post-Dispatch. Minor was a talented artist and writer who doubled as a Bolshevik

revolutionary, got himself arrested in Russia in 1915 for alleged subversion, and was later

bank-rolled by prominent Wall Street financiers. Minor's cartoon portrays a bearded,

beaming Karl Marx standing in Wall Street with Socialism tucked under his arm and

accepting the congratulations of financial luminaries J.P. Morgan, Morgan partner George

W. Perkins, a smug John D. Rockefeller, John D. Ryan of National City Bank, and Teddy

Roosevelt — prominently identified by his famous teeth — in the background. Wall Street

is decorated by Red flags. The cheering crowd and the airborne hats suggest that Karl Marx

must have been a fairly popular sort of fellow in the New York financial district.

Was Robert Minor dreaming? On the contrary, we shall see that Minor was on firm ground

in depicting an enthusiastic alliance of Wall Street and Marxist socialism. The characters in

Minor's cartoon — Karl Marx (symbolizing the future revolutionaries Lenin and Trotsky),

J. P. Morgan, John D. Rockefeller — and indeed Robert Minor himself, are also prominent

characters in this book.

The contradictions suggested by Minor's cartoon have been brushed under the rug of history

because they do not fit the accepted conceptual spectrum of political left and political right.

Bolsheviks are at the left end of the political spectrum and Wall Street financiers are at the

right end; therefore, we implicitly reason, the two groups have nothing in common and any

alliance between the two is absurd. Factors contrary to this neat conceptual arrangement are

usually rejected as bizarre observations or unfortunate errors. Modern history possesses

such a built-in duality and certainly if too many uncomfortable facts have been rejected and

brushed under the rug, it is an inaccurate history.

On the other hand, it may be observed that both the extreme right and the extreme left of the

conventional political spectrum are absolutely collectivist. The national socialist (for

example, the fascist) and the international socialist (for example, the Communist) both

recommend totalitarian politico-economic systems based on naked, unfettered political

power and individual coercion. Both systems require monopoly control of society. While

monopoly control of industries was once the objective of J. P. Morgan and J. D.

Rockefeller, by the late nineteenth century the inner sanctums of Wall Street understood

that the most efficient wa

ain an unchallen

ed mono

was to "

olitical" and

make society go to work for the monopolists — under the name of the public good and the

public interest. This strategy was detailed in 1906 by Frederick C. Howe in his Confessions

of a Monopolist.1 Howe, by the way, is also a figure in the story of the Bolshevik

Revolution.

Therefore, an alternative conceptual packaging of political ideas and politico-economic

systems would be that of ranking the degree of individual freedom versus the degree of

centralized political control. Under such an ordering the corporate welfare state and

socialism are at the same end of the spectrum. Hence we see that attempts at monopoly

control of society can have different labels while owning common features.

Consequently, one barrier to mature understanding of recent history is the notion that all

capitalists are the bitter and unswerving enemies of all Marxists and socialists. This

erroneous idea originated with Karl Marx and was undoubtedly useful to his purposes. In

fact, the idea is nonsense. There has been a continuing, albeit concealed, alliance between

international political capitalists and international revolutionary socialists — to their mutual

benefit. This alliance has gone unobserved largely because historians — with a few notable

exceptions — have an unconscious Marxian bias and are thus locked into the impossibility

of any such alliance existing. The open-minded reader should bear two clues in mind:

monopoly capitalists are the bitter enemies of laissez-faire entrepreneurs; and, given the

weaknesses of socialist central planning, the totalitarian socialist state is a perfect captive

market for monopoly capitalists, if an alliance can be made with the socialist powerbrokers.

Suppose — and it is only hypothesis at this point — that American monopoly capitalists

were able to reduce a planned socialist Russia to the status of a captive technical colony?

Would not this be the logical twentieth-century internationalist extension of the Morgan

railroad monopolies and the Rockefeller petroleum trust of the late nineteenth century?

Apart from Gabriel Kolko, Murray Rothbard, and the revisionists, historians have not been

alert for such a combination of events. Historical reporting, with rare exceptions, has been

forced into a dichotomy of capitalists versus socialists. George Kennan's monumental and

readable study of the Russian Revolution consistently maintains this fiction of a Wall

Street-Bolshevik dichotomy.2 Russia Leaves the War has a single incidental reference to the

J.P. Morgan firm and no reference at all to Guaranty Trust Company. Yet both

organizations are prominently mentioned in the State Department files, to which frequent

reference is made in this book, and both are part of the core of the evidence presented here.

Neither self-admitted "Bolshevik banker" Olof Aschberg nor Nya Banken in Stockholm is

mentioned in Kennan yet both were central to Bolshevik funding. Moreover, in minor yet

crucial circumstances, at least crucial for our argument, Kennan is factually in error. For

example, Kennan cites Federal Reserve Bank director William Boyce Thompson as leaving

Russia on November 27, 1917. This departure date would make it physically impossible for

Thompson to be in Petrograd on December 2, 1917, to transmit a cable request for $1

million to Morgan in New York. Thompson in fact left Petrograd on December 4, 1918, two

days after sending the cable to New York. Then again, Kennan states that on November 30,

1917, Trotsky delivered a speech before the Petrograd Soviet in which he observed, "Today

I had here in the Smolny Institute two Americans closely connected with American

Capitalist elements "According to Kennan, it "is difficult to imagine" who these two

Americans "could have been, if not Robins and Gumberg." But in [act Alexander Gumberg

was Russian, not American. Further, as Thompson was still in Russia on November 30,

1917, then the two Americans who visited Trotsky were more than likely Raymond Robins,

a minin

romoter turned do-

ooder, and Thom

son, of the Federal Reserve Bank of New

York.

The Bolshevization of Wall Street was known among well informed circles as early as

1919. The financial journalist Barron recorded a conversation with oil magnate E. H.

Doheny in 1919 and specifically named three prominent financiers, William Boyce

Thompson, Thomas Lamont and Charles R. Crane:

Aboard S.S. Aquitania, Friday Evening, February 1, 1919.

Spent the evening with the Dohenys in their suite. Mr. Doheny said: If you

believe in democracy you cannot believe in Socialism. Socialism is the poison

that destroys democracy. Democracy means opportunity for all. Socialism

holds out the hope that a man can quit work and be better off. Bolshevism is the

true fruit of socialism and if you will read the interesting testimony before the

Senate Committee about the middle of January that showed up all these

pacifists and peace-makers as German sympathizers, Socialists, and

Bolsheviks, you will see that a majority of the college professors in the United

States are teaching socialism and Bolshevism and that fifty-two college

professors were on so-called peace committees in 1914. President Eliot of

Harvard is teaching Bolshevism. The worst Bolshevists in the United States are

not only college professors, of whom President Wilson is one, but capitalists

and the wives of capitalists and neither seem to know what they are talking

about. William Boyce Thompson is teaching Bolshevism and he may yet

convert Lamont of J.P. Morgan & Company. Vanderlip is a Bolshevist, so is

Charles R. Crane. Many women are joining the movement and neither they, nor

their husbands, know what it is, or what it leads to. Henry Ford is another and

so are most of those one hundred historians Wilson took abroad with him in the

foolish idea that history can teach youth proper demarcations of races, peoples,

and nations geographically.3

In brief, this is a story of the Bolshevik Revolution and its aftermath, but a story that departs

from the usual conceptual straitjacket approach of capitalists versus Communists. Our story

postulates a partnership between international monopoly capitalism and international

revolutionary socialism for their mutual benefit. The final human cost of this alliance has

fallen upon the shoulders of the individual Russian and the individual American.

Entrepreneurship has been brought into disrepute and the world has been propelled toward

inefficient socialist planning as a result of these monopoly maneuverings in the world of

politics and revolution.

This is also a story reflecting the betrayal of the Russian Revolution. The tsars and their

corrupt political system were ejected only to be replaced by the new powerbrokers of

another corrupt political system. Where the United States could have exerted its dominant

influence to bring about a free Russia it truckled to the ambitions of a few Wall Street

financiers who, for their own purposes, could accept a centralized tsarist Russia or a

centralized Marxist Russia but not a decentralized free Russia. And the reasons for these

assertions will unfold as we develop the underlying and, so far, untold history of the

Russian Revolution and its aftermath.4

Footnotes:

1"These are the rules of big business. They have superseded the teachings of

our parents and are reducible to a simple maxim: Get a monopoly; let Society

work for you: and remember that the best of all business is politics, for a

legislative grant, franchise, subsidy or tax exemption is worth more than a

Kimberl

or Comstock lode, since it does not re

uire an

labor, either menta

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WALLSTREETANDTHEBOLSHEVIKREVOLUTIONByAntonyC.SuttonTABLEOFCONTENTSPrefaceChapterI:TheActorsontheRevolutionaryStageChapterII:TrotskyLeavesNewYorktoCompletetheRevolutionWoodrowWilsonandaPassportforTrotskyCanadianGovernmentDocumentsonTrotsky'sReleaseCanadianMilitaryIntelligenceViewsTrotskyTrotsky'sInte...

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