Utopia(乌托邦)

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UTOPIA
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UTOPIA
Thomas More
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INTRODUCTION
Sir Thomas More, son of Sir John More, a justice of the King's Bench,
was born in 1478, in Milk Street, in the city of London. After his earlier
education at St. Anthony's School, in Threadneedle Street, he was placed,
as a boy, in the household of Cardinal John Morton, Archbishop of
Canterbury and Lord Chancellor. It was not unusual for persons of wealth
or influence and sons of good families to be so established together in a
relation of patron and client. The youth wore his patron's livery, and added
to his state. The patron used, afterwards, his wealth or influence in helping
his young client forward in the world. Cardinal Morton had been in earlier
days that Bishop of Ely whom Richard III. sent to the Tower; was busy
afterwards in hostility to Richard; and was a chief adviser of Henry VII.,
who in 1486 made him Archbishop of Canterbury, and nine months
afterwards Lord Chancellor. Cardinal Morton--of talk at whose table there
are recollections in "Utopia"- -delighted in the quick wit of young Thomas
More. He once said, "Whoever shall live to try it, shall see this child here
waiting at table prove a notable and rare man."
At the age of about nineteen, Thomas More was sent to Canterbury
College, Oxford, by his patron, where he learnt Greek of the first men who
brought Greek studies from Italy to England--William Grocyn and
Thomas Linacre. Linacre, a physician, who afterwards took orders, was
also the founder of the College of Physicians. In 1499, More left Oxford to
study law in London, at Lincoln's Inn, and in the next year Archbishop
Morton died.
More's earnest character caused him while studying law to aim at the
subduing of the flesh, by wearing a hair shirt, taking a log for a pillow, and
whipping himself on Fridays. At the age of twenty-one he entered
Parliament, and soon after he had been called to the bar he was made
Under-Sheriff of London. In 1503 he opposed in the House of Commons
Henry VII.'s proposal for a subsidy on account of the marriage portion of
his daughter Margaret; and he opposed with so much energy that the
House refused to grant it. One went and told the king that a beardless boy
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had disappointed all his expectations. During the last years, therefore, of
Henry VII. More was under the displeasure of the king, and had thoughts
of leaving the country.
Henry VII. died in April, 1509, when More's age was a little over
thirty. In the first years of the reign of Henry VIII. he rose to large practice
in the law courts, where it is said he refused to plead in cases which he
thought unjust, and took no fees from widows, orphans, or the poor. He
would have preferred marrying the second daughter of John Colt, of New
Hall, in Essex, but chose her elder sister, that he might not subject her to
the discredit of being passed over.
In 1513 Thomas More, still Under-Sheriff of London, is said to have
written his "History of the Life and Death of King Edward V., and of the
Usurpation of Richard III." The book, which seems to contain the
knowledge and opinions of More's patron, Morton, was not printed until
1557, when its writer had been twenty-two years dead. It was then printed
from a MS. in More's handwriting.
In the year 1515 Wolsey, Archbishop of York, was made Cardinal by
Leo X.; Henry VIII. made him Lord Chancellor, and from that year until
1523 the King and the Cardinal ruled England with absolute authority, and
called no parliament. In May of the year 1515 Thomas More--not knighted
yet--was joined in a commission to the Low Countries with Cuthbert
Tunstal and others to confer with the ambassadors of Charles V., then only
Archduke of Austria, upon a renewal of alliance. On that embassy More,
aged about thirty- seven, was absent from England for six months, and
while at Antwerp he established friendship with Peter Giles (Latinised
AEgidius), a scholarly and courteous young man, who was secretary to the
municipality of Antwerp.
Cuthbert Tunstal was a rising churchman, chancellor to the Archbishop
of Canterbury, who in that year (1515) was made Archdeacon of Chester,
and in May of the next year (1516) Master of the Rolls. In 1516 he was
sent again to the Low Countries, and More then went with him to Brussels,
where they were in close companionship with Erasmus.
More's "Utopia" was written in Latin, and is in two parts, of which the
second, describing the place ([Greek text]--or Nusquama, as he called it
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sometimes in his letters--"Nowhere"), was probably written towards the
close of 1515; the first part, introductory, early in 1516. The book was first
printed at Louvain, late in 1516, under the editorship of Erasmus, Peter
Giles, and other of More's friends in Flanders. It was then revised by More,
and printed by Frobenius at Basle in November, 1518. It was reprinted at
Paris and Vienna, but was not printed in England during More's lifetime.
Its first publication in this country was in the English translation, made in
Edward's VI.'s reign (1551) by Ralph Robinson. It was translated with
more literary skill by Gilbert Burnet, in 1684, soon after he had conducted
the defence of his friend Lord William Russell, attended his execution,
vindicated his memory, and been spitefully deprived by James II. of his
lectureship at St. Clement's. Burnet was drawn to the translation of
"Utopia" by the same sense of unreason in high places that caused More to
write the book. Burnet's is the translation given in this volume.
The name of the book has given an adjective to our language--we call
an impracticable scheme Utopian. Yet, under the veil of a playful fiction,
the talk is intensely earnest, and abounds in practical suggestion. It is the
work of a scholarly and witty Englishman, who attacks in his own way the
chief political and social evils of his time. Beginning with fact, More tells
how he was sent into Flanders with Cuthbert Tunstal, "whom the king's
majesty of late, to the great rejoicing of all men, did prefer to the office of
Master of the Rolls;" how the commissioners of Charles met them at
Bruges, and presently returned to Brussels for instructions; and how More
then went to Antwerp, where he found a pleasure in the society of Peter
Giles which soothed his desire to see again his wife and children, from
whom he had been four months away. Then fact slides into fiction with the
finding of Raphael Hythloday (whose name, made of two Greek words
[Greek text] and [Greek text], means "knowing in trifles"), a man who had
been with Amerigo Vespucci in the three last of the voyages to the new
world lately discovered, of which the account had been first printed in
1507, only nine years before Utopia was written.
Designedly fantastic in suggestion of details, "Utopia" is the work of a
scholar who had read Plato's "Republic," and had his fancy quickened
after reading Plutarch's account of Spartan life under Lycurgus. Beneath
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the veil of an ideal communism, into which there has been worked some
witty extravagance, there lies a noble English argument. Sometimes More
puts the case as of France when he means England. Sometimes there is
ironical praise of the good faith of Christian kings, saving the book from
censure as a political attack on the policy of Henry VIII. Erasmus wrote to
a friend in 1517 that he should send for More's "Utopia," if he had not read
it, and "wished to see the true source of all political evils." And to More
Erasmus wrote of his book, "A burgomaster of Antwerp is so pleased with
it that he knows it all by heart."
H. M.
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DISCOURSES OF RAPHAEL
HYTHLODAY, OF THE BEST
STATE OF A COMMONWEALTH
Henry VIII., the unconquered King of England, a prince adorned with
all the virtues that become a great monarch, having some differences of no
small consequence with Charles the most serene Prince of Castile, sent me
into Flanders, as his ambassador, for treating and composing matters
between them. I was colleague and companion to that incomparable man
Cuthbert Tonstal, whom the King, with such universal applause, lately
made Master of the Rolls; but of whom I will say nothing; not because I
fear that the testimony of a friend will be suspected, but rather because his
learning and virtues are too great for me to do them justice, and so well
known, that they need not my commendations, unless I would, according
to the proverb, "Show the sun with a lantern." Those that were appointed
by the Prince to treat with us, met us at Bruges, according to agreement;
they were all worthy men. The Margrave of Bruges was their head, and the
chief man among them; but he that was esteemed the wisest, and that
spoke for the rest, was George Temse, the Provost of Casselsee: both art
and nature had concurred to make him eloquent: he was very learned in
the law; and, as he had a great capacity, so, by a long practice in affairs, he
was very dexterous at unravelling them. After we had several times met,
without coming to an agreement, they went to Brussels for some days, to
know the Prince's pleasure; and, since our business would admit it, I went
to Antwerp. While I was there, among many that visited me, there was one
that was more acceptable to me than any other, Peter Giles, born at
Antwerp, who is a man of great honour, and of a good rank in his town,
though less than he deserves; for I do not know if there be anywhere to be
found a more learned and a better bred young man; for as he is both a very
worthy and a very knowing person, so he is so civil to all men, so
particularly kind to his friends, and so full of candour and affection, that
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there is not, perhaps, above one or two anywhere to be found, that is in all
respects so perfect a friend: he is extraordinarily modest, there is no
artifice in him, and yet no man has more of a prudent simplicity. His
conversation was so pleasant and so innocently cheerful, that his company
in a great measure lessened any longings to go back to my country, and to
my wife and children, which an absence of four mouths had quickened
very much. One day, as I was returning home from mass at St. Mary's,
which is the chief church, and the most frequented of any in Antwerp, I
saw him, by accident, talking with a stranger, who seemed past the flower
of his age; his face was tanned, he had a long beard, and his cloak was
hanging carelessly about him, so that, by his looks and habit, I concluded
he was a seaman. As soon as Peter saw me, he came and saluted me, and
as I was returning his civility, he took me aside, and pointing to him with
whom he had been discoursing, he said, "Do you see that man? I was just
thinking to bring him to you." I answered, "He should have been very
welcome on your account." "And on his own too," replied he, "if you
knew the man, for there is none alive that can give so copious an account
of unknown nations and countries as he can do, which I know you very
much desire." "Then," said I, "I did not guess amiss, for at first sight I took
him for a seaman." "But you are much mistaken," said he, "for he has not
sailed as a seaman, but as a traveller, or rather a philosopher. This Raphael,
who from his family carries the name of Hythloday, is not ignorant of the
Latin tongue, but is eminently learned in the Greek, having applied
himself more particularly to that than to the former, because he had given
himself much to philosophy, in which he knew that the Romans have left
us nothing that is valuable, except what is to be found in Seneca and
Cicero. He is a Portuguese by birth, and was so desirous of seeing the
world, that he divided his estate among his brothers, ran the same hazard
as Americus Vesputius, and bore a share in three of his four voyages that
are now published; only he did not return with him in his last, but obtained
leave of him, almost by force, that he might be one of those twenty-four
who were left at the farthest place at which they touched in their last
voyage to New Castile. The leaving him thus did not a little gratify one
that was more fond of travelling than of returning home to be buried in his
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own country; for he used often to say, that the way to heaven was the same
from all places, and he that had no grave had the heavens still over him.
Yet this disposition of mind had cost him dear, if God had not been very
gracious to him; for after he, with five Castalians, had travelled over many
countries, at last, by strange good fortune, he got to Ceylon, and from
thence to Calicut, where he, very happily, found some Portuguese ships;
and, beyond all men's expectations, returned to his native country." When
Peter had said this to me, I thanked him for his kindness in intending to
give me the acquaintance of a man whose conversation he knew would be
so acceptable; and upon that Raphael and I embraced each other. After
those civilities were past which are usual with strangers upon their first
meeting, we all went to my house, and entering into the garden, sat down
on a green bank and entertained one another in discourse. He told us that
when Vesputius had sailed away, he, and his companions that stayed
behind in New Castile, by degrees insinuated themselves into the
affections of the people of the country, meeting often with them and
treating them gently; and at last they not only lived among them without
danger, but conversed familiarly with them, and got so far into the heart of
a prince, whose name and country I have forgot, that he both furnished
them plentifully with all things necessary, and also with the conveniences
of travelling, both boats when they went by water, and waggons when they
trained over land: he sent with them a very faithful guide, who was to
introduce and recommend them to such other princes as they had a mind
to see: and after many days' journey, they came to towns, and cities, and to
commonwealths, that were both happily governed and well peopled.
Under the equator, and as far on both sides of it as the sun moves, there
lay vast deserts that were parched with the perpetual heat of the sun; the
soil was withered, all things looked dismally, and all places were either
quite uninhabited, or abounded with wild beasts and serpents, and some
few men, that were neither less wild nor less cruel than the beasts
themselves. But, as they went farther, a new scene opened, all things grew
milder, the air less burning, the soil more verdant, and even the beasts
were less wild: and, at last, there were nations, towns, and cities, that had
not only mutual commerce among themselves and with their neighbours,
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but traded, both by sea and land, to very remote countries. There they
found the conveniencies of seeing many countries on all hands, for no ship
went any voyage into which he and his companions were not very
welcome. The first vessels that they saw were flat-bottomed, their sails
were made of reeds and wicker, woven close together, only some were of
leather; but, afterwards, they found ships made with round keels and
canvas sails, and in all respects like our ships, and the seamen understood
both astronomy and navigation. He got wonderfully into their favour by
showing them the use of the needle, of which till then they were utterly
ignorant. They sailed before with great caution, and only in summer time;
but now they count all seasons alike, trusting wholly to the loadstone, in
which they are, perhaps, more secure than safe; so that there is reason to
fear that this discovery, which was thought would prove so much to their
advantage, may, by their imprudence, become an occasion of much
mischief to them. But it were too long to dwell on all that he told us he had
observed in every place, it would be too great a digression from our
present purpose: whatever is necessary to be told concerning those wise
and prudent institutions which he observed among civilised nations, may
perhaps be related by us on a more proper occasion. We asked him many
questions concerning all these things, to which he answered very willingly;
we made no inquiries after monsters, than which nothing is more common;
for everywhere one may hear of ravenous dogs and wolves, and cruel
men- eaters, but it is not so easy to find states that are well and wisely
governed.
As he told us of many things that were amiss in those new- discovered
countries, so he reckoned up not a few things, from which patterns might
be taken for correcting the errors of these nations among whom we live; of
which an account may be given, as I have already promised, at some other
time; for, at present, I intend only to relate those particulars that he told us,
of the manners and laws of the Utopians: but I will begin with the
occasion that led us to speak of that commonwealth. After Raphael had
discoursed with great judgment on the many errors that were both among
us and these nations, had treated of the wise institutions both here and
there, and had spoken as distinctly of the customs and government of
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every nation through which he had past, as if he had spent his whole life in
it, Peter, being struck with admiration, said, "I wonder, Raphael, how it
comes that you enter into no king's service, for I am sure there are none to
whom you would not be very acceptable; for your learning and knowledge,
both of men and things, is such, that you would not only entertain them
very pleasantly, but be of great use to them, by the examples you could set
before them, and the advices you could give them; and by this means you
would both serve your own interest, and be of great use to all your
friends." "As for my friends," answered he, "I need not be much concerned,
having already done for them all that was incumbent on me; for when I
was not only in good health, but fresh and young, I distributed that among
my kindred and friends which other people do not part with till they are
old and sick: when they then unwillingly give that which they can enjoy
no longer themselves. I think my friends ought to rest contented with this,
and not to expect that for their sakes I should enslave myself to any king
whatsoever." "Soft and fair!" said Peter; "I do not mean that you should be
a slave to any king, but only that you should assist them and be useful to
them." "The change of the word," said he, "does not alter the matter." "But
term it as you will," replied Peter, "I do not see any other way in which
you can be so useful, both in private to your friends and to the public, and
by which you can make your own condition happier." "Happier?"
answered Raphael, "is that to be compassed in a way so abhorrent to my
genius? Now I live as I will, to which I believe, few courtiers can pretend;
and there are so many that court the favour of great men, that there will be
no great loss if they are not troubled either with me or with others of my
temper." Upon this, said I, "I perceive, Raphael, that you neither desire
wealth nor greatness; and, indeed, I value and admire such a man much
more than I do any of the great men in the world. Yet I think you would do
what would well become so generous and philosophical a soul as yours is,
if you would apply your time and thoughts to public affairs, even though
you may happen to find it a little uneasy to yourself; and this you can
never do with so much advantage as by being taken into the council of
some great prince and putting him on noble and worthy actions, which I
know you would do if you were in such a post; for the springs both of
摘要:

UTOPIA1UTOPIAThomasMoreUTOPIA2INTRODUCTIONSirThomasMore,sonofSirJohnMore,ajusticeoftheKing'sBench,wasbornin1478,inMilkStreet,inthecityofLondon.AfterhisearliereducationatSt.Anthony'sSchool,inThreadneedleStreet,hewasplaced,asaboy,inthehouseholdofCardinalJohnMorton,ArchbishopofCanterburyandLordChancell...

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